,fr€*lt(^ 

^^l^ 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL  PAPERS 

OF 

THE  AMERICAN  MUSEUM 
OF  NATURAL  HISTORY 

VOL.  xvii,  PART  IV 

/  BASKETRY  OF  THE  PAP  AGO  AND  PIMA 


BY 

MARY  LOIS  ^ISSELL 


NEW  YORK 

PUBLISHED  BY  ORDER  OF  THE  TRUSTEES 
1916 


^ • 


BASKETRY  OF  THE  PAP  AGO  AND  PIMA. 
BY  MARY  Lois  KISSELL. 


115 


PREFACE. 

The  investigation  herein  reported  was  made  during  the  winter  months 
of  1910-1911  in  some  two  dozen  Pima  and  Papago  villages,  as  a  part  of 
the  Museum's  systematic  study  of  the  peoples  of  lower  culture  in  south 
western  United  States.  All  the  principal  villages  of  the  Santa  Rosa  Valley 
and  foothills  were  visited,  together  with  those  of  the  Santa  Cruz  near 
Tucson,  including  San  Xavier,  Kioto,  Little  Tucson,  Indian  Oasis,  Big 
Fields,  Cababi,  Comababi,  Vinumuku,  Conquien,  Quijotoa,  Kuvuhea  (Che- 
wak),  Twavaheu,  Brownell  Camp,  and  Noepa;  as  well  as  the  Pima  villages 
of  Kuu  Ki,  Hassanykuk,  Saopuk,  Talsituk,  Oskuk,  Wetcurt,  Rsotuk, 
Hermho  or  Amn  Akimult,  and  Babychurl.  Acknowledgment  must  be 
made  for  the  identification  of  the  plants  employed  in  basketry  ^p  the  staff 
of  the  botanical  department  of  the  University  of  Arizona;  and  for  very 
courteous  hospitality  to  Rev.  and  Mrs.  Herndon,  Indian  Oasis;  Mr.  Day, 
Quijotoa;  Mr.  Brownell,  Brownell  Camp;  and  Mr.  R.  Rasmessen,  Tuscon. 
For  the  drawings  the  author  is  indebted  to  Miss  Ruth  B.  Howe  and  for  the 
photographs  of  specimens  to  the  Photographic  Department  of  the  Museum, 
for  that  of  the  PapagO  granary  to  the  United  States  National  Museum,  and 
the  basket  maker  within  her  storage  bin  to  Putnam  and  Valentine,  Los 
Angeles.  The  outdoor  photographs  were  taken  by  the  author,  often  under 
very  adverse  conditions,  but  the  subjects  presented  are  in  the  main  new. 
The  expenses  of  the  field  trip  were  contributed  by  Mr.  Archer  M.  Hunting- 
ton. 

April,  1916. 


117 


371 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

PREFACE           .............  117 

INTRODUCTION                           ...                                            ...  123 

HABITAT           ....                                    ......  127 

INFLUENCE  OF  ENVIRONMENT                    . 132 

WRAPPED  WEAVING •  .         .         .         .  140 

PLAITING          .                           ..........  150 

CRUDE  COILING       .                                            .         .                          ...  172 

COARSE  COILING      .  .179 

CLOSE  COILING        ... 190 

LACE  COILING          .         .                          225 

EVOLUTION  OF  TECHNICS .         .  244 

DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  PAP  AGO  AND  PIMA  COILED  BASKETRY         .         .         .  249 

TABULATED  ANALYSIS  OF  DESIGNS 255 

REFLECTION  OF  PERSONAL  TRAITS            ....                          .  258 

KEY  TO  BASKETRY  TECHNIC    ......                          .  262 

PAPAGO  TERMINOLOGY   .  264 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

TEXT  FIGURES. 

PAGE- 

1.  Wrapped  Weaving  Technic      .        .         ...         .         .  .140 

2.  Lattice  Wrapped  Weaving  Technic          .......       141 

3.  Oldest  Type  of  House  showing  a  Door  constructed  with  Rows  of  Wrapped 

Weaving 142 

4.  Detail  of  Door  of  Wrapped  Weaving  shown  in  Fig.  3      ....       143 

5.  Sieve  constructed  of  Wrapped  Weaving  ....  .143 

6.  Cage  constructed  of  Lattice  Wrapped  Weaving 144 

7.  Rectangular  Coop  of  Saguara  Ribs  and  Thong  constructed  of  Lattice 

Wrapped  Weaving       .         .         .        .         .         .         .         .         .        .       144 

8.  Pima  Hair  Brushes          .         .         .        .         .         .        .  .        .       145 

9.  House  Wall      .  *  ...       146 

10.  Pima  Cradle  149 

11.  Papago  Eating  Mat .  151 

12.  Pima  Mat .152 

13.  Method  of  Mat  Plaiting  .153 

14.  Edge  Making 154 

15.  Design  Units  Common  in  Plaiting,  Papago      .         .         .         .  .155 

16.  Method  of  Plaiting  the  Headring  160 

17.  Plaited  Beginning  of  Headring  ready  to  shape  into  Cylindrical   Form       161 

18.  Further  Plaiting  on  Cylindrical  Form .162 

119 


120  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


19.  Cylindrical  Form  completed,  Ready  for  trimming  off  Ends 

20.  Detail  of  Kiaha  Headband      ...  . 

21.  Plaited  Basket  with  Cover,  Pima    . 

22.  Open  Plaited  Basket,  Papago 

23.  Base  of  Open  Plaited  Basket  shown  in  Fig.  22 

24.  Open  Plaited  Basket  and  Base,  Papago 

25.  Method  of  Plaiting  Basket  Corner  .         .  .... 

26.  Medicine  Basket  containing  a  Little  Effigy  used  to  prevent  Attacks  by 

the  Apache  .         .  .         .  ..... 

27.  Technic  of  Crude  Coil     .  .... 

28.  Papago  Granary  of  Crude  Coiling 

29.  a  Old-time  Ladder  for  filling  Pima  Granary  on  House  Top;   b  Storage 

House  with  Two  Granaries  and  Modern  Ladder  .... 

30.  Granaries  on  Platforms 

31.  Coarse  Coiling,  Pima       .         .         .         .         .         . 

32.  Pima  Coarse  Coiling  showing  Side  Wall  and  Edge  .... 

33.  Papago  Coarse  Coiling 

34.  Pima  Granary  of  Coarse  Coiling      ........ 

35.  Papago  Granary  of  Coarse  Coiling 

36.  Pima  Basket  Maker  beginning  Coarse  Coiling 

37.  Pima  Basket  Maker ... 

38.  Pima  Basket  Maker 

39.  Pima  Basket  Maker  completing  a  Large  Granary 

40.  Pima  Woman  winnowing  Wheat \         .         . 

41.  Pima  Woman  grinding  Wheat  '.  .         . 

42.  Grinding  Mesquite  Beans  in  a  Wooden  Mortar  made  from  a  Cottonwood 

Stump 195 

43.  Pima  Woman  parching  Wheat  with  live  Coals         .....       195 

44.  Forms  of  Papago  and  Pima  Bowls  and  Trays 196 

45.  a  Willow  Twigs  for  Coiled  Basketry;  b  Finer  Splints  of  Willow  ready  for 

Coiled  Basketry 200 

46.  a  Martynia  Pod;   b  Martynia  Splints  for  Black  Designs  on  Coiled  Bas 

ketry  201 

47.  Splitting  the  Martynia    .  204 

48.  Splitting  the  Beargrass  for  the  Foundation  Element        .  204 

49.  Basketry  Tools,  Papago 205 

50.  Beginning  of  Close  Coiling      .         .         . 207 

51.  A  Second  Close  Coil  Beginning,  Papago 207 

52.  a  Coiling  Begun;  b  Further  Coiling,  Papago 208 

53.  Papago  Basket  Maker,  showing  general  position     .         .         .         .         .       210 

54.  Papago  Basket  Maker,  showing  use  of  the  awl 210 

55.  Papago  Basket  Maker  biting  Sharp  the  Binding  Element       ...        .      211 

56.  Papago  Basket  Maker  inserting  the  Binding  Element  in  the  Hole  made  by 

the  Awl 211 

57.  Papago  Basket  Maker  tightening  the  Binding  Element  .         .         .      212 

58.  Pima  Basket  Maker  adding  Foundation  Material  .         .         .         .      212 

59.  Papago  Baskets       .         .         .         .         .         .         .  .         .      '  .       213 

60.  Papago  and  Pima  Baskets       .  .      214 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


PAGE. 

61.  Old  Papago  Bowl    .         .         . 

62.  Pima  and  Papago  Baskets       . 

63.  Pima  Baskets 

64.  Papago  and  Pima  Baskets 

65.  Pima  and  Papago  Baskets 

66.  Pima  Baskets 

67.  Modern  Papago  Baskets 

68.  Modern  Papago  Baskets 

69.  Modern  Papago  Baskets 

70.  a  Plain  Lace  Coil;   b  Twisted  Lace  Coil;  Elaborate  Lace  Coil     . 

71.  Lace  Coiling  showing  Elaborate  Design        .  22? 

72.  Agave  Cord  and  Fiber     . 

73.  Needles  used  for  Lace  Coiling,  Papago    . 

74.  Kiaha  Beginnings,  Papago 

75.  Kiahas,  Papago 

76.  Kiahas,  Papago 

77.  Kiahas,  Papago 

78.  Kiahas     . 

79.  Kiahas     .         .         . 

80.  Kiaha  Lifting 

81.  Kiaha  Lifting 


INTRODUCTION. 

This  paper  presents  material  obtained  during  three  months  of  research 
in  southern  Arizona  among  the  Pima-speaking  tribes  —  the  Papago  and 
Pima  proper  —  and  records  some  of  the  results  of  an  intensive  study  of 
their  textile  arts.  Dr.  Russell's  comprehensive  treatise  on  "The  Pima 
Indians,"  and  Dr.  Lumholtz's  "New  Trails  in  Mexico"  give  a  general 
survey  of  the  ethnology  of  these  two  tribes.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  present 
paper  to  deal  solely  with  their  basketry,  since  there  are  important  points 
related  to  this  art  heretofore  undiscussed;  and  to  include  descriptive  matter 
pertaining  to  technical  details  of  present-day  processes,  with  reports  of 
former  methods  now  abandoned,  but  still  within  the  memory  of  the  tribes; 
beside  explanatory  matter  concerned  with  conclusions  drawn  from  this 
information  and  from  observation.  Technic  of  itself  has  only  economic 
value,  its  scientific  significance  lies  in  its  bearing  upon  some  theory,  or 
problem,  that  is  in  the  disclosing  of  some  hidden  truth. 

The  aim  of  the  expedition  was  not  only  to  obtain  exact  details  as  to  the 
processes  and  the  materials  employed  in  this  art,  but  also  to  procure  the  more 
interesting  and  important  data  concerning  beliefs,  sayings,  and  magic 
connected  with  the  art  or  its  processes.  In  other  words,  to  find  all  the  lore 
pertaining  to  the  textile  arts  especially  that  of  the  basketry,  should  there 
be  any,  and  still  be  known  to  the  present-day  Indian.  This  together  with 
information  concerning  symbolism  in  design,  constituted  the  two  points  of 
greatest  importance. 

As  is  frequently  the  case  in  field  investigation,  the  data  most  earnestly 
desired  may  prove  elusive  and  not  materialize,  while  in  its  place  other  data 
are  secured  bearing  on  totally  different  lines.  So  it  proved  in  this  instance, 
that  while  full  details  as  to  the  processes,  tools  and  materials,  together  with 
interesting  related  facts,  were  easily  obtained,  the  two  topics  believed  to  be 
of  greatest  moment  yielded  scanty  results.  This  may  be  attributed  to  one 
of  two  causes:  either  to  the  absence  of  basketry  lore  because  it  had  been 
forgotten,  or  had  never  existed;  or  to  the  very  brief  acquaintance  with 
individual  Indians,  which  was  all  the  short  trip  afforded,  as  the  three  and  a 
half  months  allotted  to  more  than  twenty  scattered  villages  were  insufficient 
for  other  than  casual  friendships.  Longer  acquaintance  might  have  es 
tablished  an  intimacy  with  individuals,  such  as  would  invite  confidences  and 
disclosures  of  sacred  lore.  It  is  hoped  that  later  investigations,  especially 
among  the  very  old  women,  will  unearth  such  data  if  they  exist. 

As  has  been  said,  religious  meaning  attached  to  basket  materials,  their 

123 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DEPARTMENT  OF  HOME  ECONOMY 
HOUSEHOLD  ART 


124  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

gathering,  preparation,  or  employment  in  construction  seems  entirely 
wanting.  The  art  appears  to  be  purely  a  practical  one,  prompted  by  practi 
cal  motives  only.  This  is  not  absolutely  so,  however,  in  connection  with 
the  use  of  three  of  their  baskets  —  the  small  food  basket  of  the  medicine 
man,  the  basket  drum,  and  the  rectangular  trunk  shape  for  holding  cere 
monial  medicines  and  paints.  This  last  is  made  only  by  the  Papago,  and 
employed  exclusively  for  this  purpose,  while  its  size  is  carefully  fitted  to  hold 
some  specific  medicine.  The  basket  appears  to  have  no  ceremonial  signifi 
cance  in  itself,  its  function  seems  to  be  purely  utilitarian,  that  of  holding  the 
ceremonial  articles  when  not  in  use.  The  food  basket  in  question  is  a  deep 
tray  of  small  circumference,  so  closely  constructed  as  to  hold  water,  and  is 
used  by  the  medicineman  to  hold  food  and  drink  while  he  is  performing  the 
ceremonies  for  healing  the  sick,  for  bringing  rain,  and  when  on  his  pilgrimages 
for  the  sacred  salt.  It  is  made  for  this  purpose  and  used  at  no  other  time, 
but  whether  its  function  was  more  than  utilitarian,  knowledge  was  not 
obtained.  The  basket  drum  is  also  a  tray  shape,  but  it  is  not  constructed 
for  this  particular  use,  nor  is  it  reserved  for  this  exclusive  service.  Any 
basketry  tray  at  hand  will  do,  if  it  is  hard  and  firm  enough  in  build  to  emit 
a  loud  sound  when  inverted  and  struck  with  the  hand  or  a  stick,  since  the 
beating  upon  it  accompanies  the  chants  of  the  medicineman  at  ceremonial 
dances,  or  when  making  his  cures.  The  basket  tray  of  these  peoples  is  a 
food  tray,  and  whether  for  this  reason  there  is  in  it  some  magic  which  im 
parts  efficacy  to  the  rhythmic  accompaniment  is  not  known.  It  is  more 
probable  that  it  is  merely  a  convenient  thing  upon  which  to  beat,  hard 
enough  to  resound  when  struck. 

The  most  important  result  of  the  expedition  was  the  finding  of  a  distinct 
differentiation  between  the  Papago  and  Pima  coiled  basketry,  a  technic  to 
the  perfection  and  decoration  of  which  these  tribes  have  devoted  their 
leisure  time  and  effort.  Such  a  technic  in  any  tribe  acquires  the  highest 
development  of  the  arts  belonging  to  that  particular  people,  thus  receiving 
the  impress  of  a  character  of  its  own.  Here  the  coiled  basketry  of  these 
linguistically  related  tribes  was  found  to  have  such  distinguishing  and 
diverse  qualities  as  to  make  apparent  that  the  art  in  each  tribe  was  distinct. 
This  discovery  gave  the  incentive  to  secure  as  many  as  possible  of  the  few 
remaining  old-time  water-tight  bucket-baskets  of  the  Papago.  This  was 
done,  resulting  in  a  collection,  which  with  two  old  basket  bowls  from  the 
Lumholtz  expedition  of  the  previous  year,  make  this  small  but  choice  group 
of  old  Papago  coiled  ware,  not  only  unique,  but  rare,  since  very  few  of  these 
baskets  remain,  owing  to  the  influx  of  civilization  and  the  Papago  custom  of 
burning  at  death  all  the  belongings  of  the  deceased. 

Only  the  beginning  of  a   very  interesting  study  of  the  differences  in 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  125 

Papago  and  Pima  coiled  ware  has  been  made,  an  investigation  which  has 
every  appearance  of  being  an  important  one,  since  the  facts  gathered  show 
this  cultural  difference  in  the  tribes  and  possibly  point,  as  suggested  by  Dr. 
Fewkes,  who  has  examined  the  results  of  the  expedition,  to  a  further  dis 
covery  that  the  Papago  are  related  to  the  old  prehistoric  people  of  the  area. 
Further  research,  especially  in  the  unfrequented  villages  in  the  foothills  of 
the  Quijotoa,  Comobabi,  Baboquivari  and  neighboring  ranges,  will  no  doubt 
throw  additional  light  on  the  age  of  coiled  basketry,  its  design  names,  and 
the  old  design  itself,  for  frequently  direct'  design  study  yields  more  satis 
factory  results  than  dependence  upon  Indian  report. 

These  differences  have  every  appearance  of  being  a  direct  result  of  per 
sonal  characteristics,  for  the  individual  traits  of  the  tribes  seem  stamped 
upon  the  baskets  of  each.  Papago  baskets  with  solid  substantial  qualities 
resemble  dominant  Papago  peculiarities;  Pima  baskets  with  lighter  more 
pliable  properties  represent  the  Pima  temperament.  Some  of  these  dis 
similarities  are  due  to  the  materials  employed  in  manufacture  and  some  are 
a  result  of  function,  thus  accounting  for  certain  structural  diversities, 
namely,  flexibility  and  solidity,  beside  general  items  of  shape.  But  these 
utilitarian  agencies  give  no  satisfactory  interpretation  to  divergence  in 
design,  or  the  finer  subtler  qualities  in  proportion,  contour,  build,  and  finish. 

Reaching  backward  into  the  past  to  interpret  the  art  of  the  coiled  bas 
ketry  in  times  gone  by,  reveals  interesting  data  as  to  habits  and  methods, 
but  the  present  also  offers  data  for  record,  since  Papago  and  Pima  basketry 
means  to  the  world  today  the  art  as  it  is  now  being  practised.  An  important 
contribution  to  the  subject,  therefore,  is  a  registry  of  present-day  practice, 
as  influenced  by  the  influx  of  civilization,  since  each  tribe  has  responded  to 
this  impelling  agency,  but  in  different  ways. 

The  basketry  of  these  desert  tribes  illustrates,  in  an  individual  way,  the 
relation  between  the  arts  of  people  of  lower  culture  and  their  environment. 
On  this  account,  and  to  facilitate  comparison,  their  habitat  and  its  vegeta 
tion  have  been  described  at  some  length,  for  as  plant  life  has  become  struc 
turally  modified  to  harmonize  with  surrounding  arid  conditions,  so  basketry 
construction,  through  man's  instrumentality,  has  in  a  similar  manner  been 
adjusted  to  the  desert  flora.  Suitable  material  for  a  number  of  common 
basket  technics  is  lacking,  and  so  excludes  these;  available  material  for 
those  that  are  present,  is  in  such  limited  quantities  as  to  demand  the  exercise 
of  much  skill  in  discovery,  selection,  and  adaptation.  As  would  be  expected, 
these  technics  show  a  most  interesting  interrelation  with  desert  materials, 
which  on  account  of  the  general  distribution  of  the  same  plants  throughout 
the  area,  furnish  both  tribes  with  certain  similar  technics;  and  owing  to 
the  location  of  other  materials  in  the  habitat  of  but  one  tribe,  supply  each 


126  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVIIr 

with  a  different  technic;  while  because  of  a  slight  differentiation  in  the 
materials  employed  on  a  similar  technic,  distinct  characteristics  are  given 
to  each. 

Of  the  technical  points  introduced,  perhaps  the  most  valuable  is  the 
suggestion  of  a  possible  evolution  of  two  technics  in  the  region  —  wrapped 
and  lattice  wrapped  weaving,  and  foundation  coiling.  Another  im 
portant  item  is  the  presence  of  the  plaited  center  on  coiled  basketry  which 
suggests  that  plaiting  was  here  an  earlier  technic  than  foundation  coiling. 
Considerable  effort  was  expended  in  obtaining  the  rhythmic  movement  in 
the  construction  of  plaiting,  a  movement  which  is  always  in  threes,  as  it  was 
thought  this  might  prove  an  interesting  likeness,  or  difference,  to  the  rhyth 
mic  movement  on  plaiting  among  other  tribes,  and  also  give  some  further 
knowledge  as  to  development  of  counting,  or  number,  among  people  of 
lower  culture.  Detail  in  the  technic  of  lace  coiling  seemed  of  value 
because  of  the  elaborateness  in  pattern  on  the  kiaha  carrying  frame  which 
is  fast  passing  into  disuse.  To  make  clear  any  technical  terminology 
which  might  be  misunderstood,  the  basketry  classification  made  by  the 
writer  in  1909,  and  which  this  paper  follows,  is  added  as  an  appendix.  (See 
Science,  n.  s.  vol.  30,  Dec.  24,  1909.) 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  127 


HABITAT. 

The  Papago  and  the  Pima  tribes  are  located  on  the  Pacific  coastal 
desert  of  southwestern  United  States  and  northwestern  Mexico.  The 
habitat  of  the  Papago,  Papagueria,  occupies  the  southern  portion  of  the 
area,  and  extends  from  the  Gila  River  southward  over  a  considerable  part  of 
southwestern  Arizona  and  of  Sonora.  The  region  is  an  undulating  plain 
with  an  elevation,  at  its  greatest  height,  of  about  three  thousand  feet,  from 
which  it  inclines  gradually  toward  the  west.  The  territory  is  crossed  by 
broken  mountain  ranges  extending  north  and  south,  wrhose  slopes  have  been 
greatly  reduced,  mainly  by  wind  erosion,  which  has  swept  the  soil  into  the 
flat  valleys  between.  In  Arizona,  these  valleys  are  dry,  except  that  of  the 
Santa  Cruz  which  is  drained  by  a  characteristic  desert  stream.  This  river 
has  a  flow  of  great  volume  in  the  rainy  season,  but  one  so  inconsiderable  dur 
ing  most  of  the  year  that  it  might  aptly  be  termed  a  brook.  To  the  west 
and  south  of  the  Santa  Cruz  Valley  is  that  of  the  Santa  Rosa,  long  and  nar 
row  in  shape  and,  as  has  been  indicated,  of  the  dry  type.  Through  it,  in  all 
probability,  there  once  flowed  a  great  river  which  is  now  covered  with  soil 
from  the  mountains  on  either  side.  This  is  the  very  center  of  the  Papago 
country,  for  in  the  foothills  of  the  Quijotoa  and  Comobabi  mountains,  which 
border  the  Santa  Rosa  Valley,  and  the  neighboring  Baboquivari  Range,  are 
scattered  many  of  the  Papago  villages.  Possibly  in  no  other  spot  in  North 
America  has  the  Indian  been  less  influenced  by  white  men,  so  that  old  cus 
toms  persist,  even  to  the  tattooing  of  the  face  by  the  older  men  and  women. 
It  was  the  villages  of  the  Santa  Rosa  Valley  and  foothills,  together  with 
those  of  the  Santa  Cruz  near  Tucson,  which  were  visited  by  the  expedi 
tion,  including  San  Xavier,  Kioto,  Little  Tucson,  Indian  Oasis,  Big  Fields, 
Cababi,  Comobabi,  Vinumuku,  Conquien,  Quijotoa,  Kuvuhea  (Chewak), 
Twavaheu,  Brownell  Camp,  and  Noepa. 

Many  of  the  permanent  villages  are  located  in  the  foothills,  where  there 
is  better  grazing  ground  for  the  herds  and  water  can  be  reached  by  sinking 
wells  to  the  depth  of  from  twelve  to  forty  feet,  while  in  the  valleys  it  is 
estimated  that  water  cannot  be  reached  short  of  two  hundred  feet.  Never 
theless,  it  is  in  the  flat,  dry  valleys  that  the  villagers  plant  their  fields,  since 
the  Papago  primarily  are  agriculturists,  although  they  also  obtain  wild  food, 
both  vegetal  and  animal.  The  water  supply  for  the  fields  is  furnished  by 
the  scant  rainfall,  and  by  surface  water  which  collects  during  the  rainy 
season  in  a  few  water  holes.  From  these,  it  is  distributed  by  means  of 
irrigation  ditches.  At  the  planting  and  harvesting  season,  the  villagers 
move  down  into  the  valley,  and  usually  remain  there  until  the  water  holes 


128  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

are  empty.  Upon  quitting  the  fields  for  the  foothills,  they  station  a  few  of 
their  number  to  act  as  watchers,  who  care  for  the  crops.  This  seasonal 
migration  between  foothills  and  valley  means  a  change  of  habitation  four 
times  during  the  twelve  months,  owing  to  the  fact  that  there  are  two  crops 
annually.  The  frequent  moving,  however,  does  not  seem  to  disturb  the 
Papago  Indian  in  the  least,  for  with  apparent  ease  he  loads  his  wife,  children 
and  household  effects  upon  a  couple  of  horses,  or  burros,  and  starts  off, 
himself  on  foot.  These  beasts  of  burden,  almost  hidden  beneath  bundles, 
baskets,  pots,  women  and  children,  are  not  unusual  sights  as  they  follow 
some  lonely  trail  across  the  desert.  When  the  migration  will  take  place  is 
uncertain,  since  weather  conditions  are  so  changeable.  So  it  often  occurs 
that  one  reaches  a  village  in  the  foothills  at  a  season  when  one  would  expect 
the  Indians  to  be  there,  to  find  most  of  the  huts  barricaded  and  many  of 
the  people  gone  to  the  fields ;  or  one  reaches  the  fields  in  the  valley,  to  find 
they  have  departed  for  their  homes  in  the  foothills,  since  the  varying  at 
mospheric  conditions  of  the  desert  require  a  similar  adjustment  of  domestic 
affairs  to  fit  the  requirements  of  the  crops. 

These  arid  valleys  only  need  water  to  make  them  fertile  gardens,  for 
even  with  the  limited  supply  at  hand  the  soil  yields  two  crops  annually. 
Wheat,  maize,  beans,  pumpkins,  squashes,  and  melons  are  most  cultivated. 
The  seasons  for  planting  and  for  harvesting  must,  of  course,  vary  with  the 
irregularity  of  climatic  conditions,  so  that  wheat  is  sown  sometime  between 
October  and  Christmas,  and  gathered  about  May;  corn  is  planted  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  first  of  August,  and  harvested  sometime  in  October. 
Formerly,  the  men  cleared,  planted,  and  irrigated  the  fields  while  the  women 
gathered  all  the  crops  with  the  exception  of  the  wheat.  This  was  trans 
ported  by  the  men  on  horses,  whereas  the  women  carried  the  other  products 
in  their  kiahas,  or  carrying  baskets  on  their  backs.  Woman's  labor  in  the 
field  has  been  greatly  lightened  by  the  introduction  of  a  few  modern  con 
veniences,  notably  that  of  the  wagon.  However,  when  her  help  is  needed, 
she  is  seen  in  the  fields  performing  her  old  duties  as  well  as  those  of  the  man. 

The  habitat  of  the  northern  group,  the  Pima,  lies  to  the  north  of  Papa- 
gueria,  in  two  river  valleys,  the  Gila  and  the  Salt.  These  rivers  during  the 
rainy  season  are  rushing  torrents,  but  through  most  of  the  year  their  beds 
are  entirely  dry.  Nevertheless,  even  these  fluctuating  streams  have  drawn 
the  Pima  villages  to  their  banks,  since  water,  one  of  the  greatest  necessities 
to  human  life  in  any  climate  and  doubly  needful  in  an  arid  land,  has  attracted 
the  Indians  to  the  neighborhood  of  its  supply.  The  Pima  habitat  is  much 
smaller  in  extent  than  Papagueria,  and  its  villages  are  much  more  closely 
grouped.  Those  visited  at  this  time  were  Kuu  Ki,  Hassanykuk,  Saopuk, 
Talsituk,  Oskuk,  Wetcurt,  Rsotuk,  Hermho  or  Amn  Akimult,  and  Baby- 
churl. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  129 

Like  the  Papago,  the  Pima  subsist  upon  both  animal  and  vegetal  food, 
although  mostly  upon  the  latter,  and  usually  upon  that  which  is  cultivated. 
Their  fields  are  not  at  a  distance  as  are  those  of  the  Papago,  but  adjoin  the 
villages,  or  are  in  the  near  neighborhood;  thus  migration  between  village  and 
field  as  practised  by  the  Papago  Indian  is  not  necessary.  The  water  supply 
for  the  fields  was  formerly  furnished  by  the  rivers,  but  now  that  the  white 
man  is  making  use  of  the  headwaters  of  these  streams,  and  diverting  a 
considerable  supply,  it  has  become  necessary  for  the  Pima  to  depend  more 
and  more  upon  wells.  The  fields  have  suffered  greatly  from  this  use  of 
well-water,  and  are  in  a  much  poorer  condition  than  when  they  could  depend 
entirely  upon  the  rain  and  the  river-water,  since  the  well-water  is  alkaline 
in  character,  and  also  lacks  the  enriching  sediment  which  is  brought  down  by 
the  rivers.  The  products  raised  by  the  Pima  and  their  methods  of  planting, 
harvesting,  and  transporting  are  similar  to  those  of  the  Papago,  although 
here  customs  of  civilization  have  entered  more  largely.  The  seasons  are 
slightly  later  than  in  Papagueria:  wheat  is  sown  in  April,  and  reaped  in 
June;  a  first  crop  of  corn  is  planted  in  April  and  gathered  in  June,  while  a 
second  crop  of  corn  is  planted  in  July,  and  harvested  in  October. 

The  desert  home  of  these  tribes  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  spots  on 
the  American  continent.  Its  lonely  stretches,  even  in  its  most  desolated 
parts,  are  not  entirely  without  vegetal  life,  for  it  is  thinly  scattered  over 
with  stunted  trees,  hardy  bushes,  and  prickly  cactus  plants.  A  cursory 
glance  at  the  parched  plant  life  and  the  baked  earth  makes  it  difficult  to 
realize  that  only  dearth  of  rainfall  makes  this  region  what  it  is,  and  that  a 
supply  of  water  would  bring  blossom  and  fruit  in  profusion,  where  now 
desolation  spreads  over  much  of  its  extent.  Yet,  it  is  the  very  desolation 
of  these  vast  stretches,  their  immensity,  and  their  impressive  solitude  which 
charm  and  fascinate.  The  broken  mountain  ranges  rise  abruptly  from  the 
plain.  Their  highest  ridges  are  sparsely  clothed  with  unexpected  pines 
and  oaks,  for  in  consequence  of  their  altitude  the  peaks  receive  an  annual 
rainfall  of  thirty  or  more  inches.  With  the  lower  mountains  it  is  quite 
different,  their  leaden  sun-baked  slopes  are  mostly  barren  rock.  The  foot 
hills  show  another  change,  as  they  again  take  on  a  vegetation,  but  one  which 
is  characteristic  of  the  desert,  with  many  strange  spiny  plants.  In  the 
valleys  another  vegetation  appears,  the  typical  plant  life  of  the  desert  gives 
way  to  a  vegetation  with  softer  foliage,  a  direct  result  of  more  moisture. 
The  scattered  willows  and  cottonwoods  along  the  river  banks  are  examples 
of  this.  The  valleys  in  Papagueria  are  usually  long  and  trough  shaped, 
flanked  on  either  side  by  mountains,  while  those  in  the  Pima  country  are 
more  circular,  and  frequently  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  mountains. 

This  desert  area  with  its  low  ranges  and  flat  valleys  is  a  land  of  sunshine. 


130  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

One  is  impressed  on  entering  the  region  of  the  dearth  of  everything  save 
sunshine,  for  it  is  the  dominant  note.  The  summer  sun  pours  down  its 
pitiless  rays,  resulting  in  baked  mountains,  arid  valleys,  and  parched  vegeta 
tion.  The  winter  sun,  although  less  hot,  continues  to  shine  one  day  afte» 
another,  with  scarcely  a  cloud  to  mar  the  sunshine,  and  only  a  few  rainy 
days  in  the  wet  seasons.  It  is  during  the  short  wet  seasons  of  midsummer 
and  midwinter  that  most  of  the  rain  is  precipitated,  and  then  the  fall  is  only 
slight,  except  upon  the  highest  ranges.  Frequently  there  are  years  when 
there  are  no  wet  seasons,  then  the  whole  area  suffers  from  drought,  some 
times  eighteen  months  pass  without  a  drop  of  rain.  In  this  dry  land  the 
sun  has  left  its  imprint  everywhere  and  upon  everything.  Its  intense  heat 
has  not  only  taken  up  every  particle  of  moisture  from  the  land,  but  from  the 
air  as  well,  leaving  it  remarkably  light  and  clear.  This  clearness  brings 
remote  objects  very  near,  greatly  disturbing  and  preventing  correct  calcula 
tion  of  distances.  It  plays  innumerable  atmospheric  tricks  in  this  way, 
painting  in  the  air  at  early  morning  and  evening  wonderful  mirages  of 
mountains  and  lakes,  whose  deceptive  forms  have  frequently  led  many  a 
weary  traveler  from  his  way,  with  disastrous  results. 

As  has  been  said,  the  slight  rainfall,  the  intense  heat,  and  excessive 
evaporation  have  most  perceptibly  affected  the  vegetation  of  the  area.  All 
plant  life  has  protected  itself  against  the  severe  climate  in  most  interesting 
ways,  but  with  typical  desert  vegetation  the  adjustment  is  the  most  ex 
treme,  so  that  accordingly  plant  life  has  assumed  shapes  and  structures 
particularly  adapted  to  these  adverse  conditions.  Some  plants  have  en 
larged  their  leaves  and  stems  into  thick  pulpy  forms,  to  act  as  absorbers  of 
moisture  and  as  storage  reservoirs.  An  excessive  amount  of  water  can  be 
collected  in  these  thick  forms  during  the  rainy  seasons,  to  serve  as  a  supply 
for  the  plant  during  the  periods  of  drought.  Noticeable  instances  of  these 
oddly  transformed  plants  are  the  giant  cactus  saguara  with  its  high  fluted 
columns,  at  times  rising  forty  or  fifty  feet  in  the  air;  the  prickly  pear  with 
queer  flat-oval  jointed  stems;  and  the  melon  or  barrel  cactus,  which  in  its 
larger  varieties,  holds  from  six  to  eight  gallons  of  water.  This  last  cactus 
is  most  useful  in  this  particular,  as  the  water  stored  within  it,  has  many 
times  saved  the  life  of  man  and  of  beast.  Plants  with  enlarged  stems  are 
more  fantastic  in  shape  than  those  with  enlarged  leaves,  yet  these  last  are 
unusual,  with  their  long  leaves  which  encircle  the  central  stem  very  much 
thickened  for  the  storage  of  extra  sap.  Among  these  are  the  agave,  or 
century  plant,  with  spiked  leaves  of  great  weight;  the  palmea  with  narrower 
sword-like  leaf,  edged  with  saw  teeth;  and  the  yucca  of  similar  shape,  but 
with  knife-like  edged  leaf. 

Plant  protection  is  not  only  accomplished  by  the  storage  of  water,  but 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pirna  Basketry.  131 

also  by  the  preventative  means  taken  for  lessening  evaporation.  This  is 
effected  by  diminishing  the  exposed  leaf  surface,  and  by  coating  the  leaf 
and  the  stem.  For  decreasing  the  leaf  surface,  trees  and  shrubs  may  reduce 
fhe  leaf  to  a  very  small  size;  they  may  transform  them  into  spines  or  thorns; 
or  they  may  dispense  with  the  leaf  altogether,  when  nothing  remains  but  a 
bramble  of  stems.  Someone  has  very  aptly  likened  one  type  of  desert 
plant,  the  cactus,  to  a  great  pin-cushion  whose  pins  have  the  points  turned 
outward.  This  very  vividly  impresses  itself  upon  one  in  a  land  where  there 
are  hundreds  of  different  cacti  all  bearing  spines,  for  even  the  ground  is  not 
exempt,  but  is  covered  with  small  varieties  whose  sharp  points  even  pierce 
through  shoe  leather. 

An  excellent  example  of  the  taller  plants  with  pin-like  foliage  is  the 
beautiful  cholla.  It  is  a  strange  shrub-cactus  with  a  ragged  foliage  in  great 
bunches  of  barbed  spines,  and  presents  a  most  imposing  appearance,  like  a 
huge  bouquet  of  silver-green  thistles,  with  a  sprinkling  of  pale  yellow  in 
fruiting  season.  Two  other  plants  of  the  bramble  type  are  the  crucifixion 
thorn,  with  exceptionally  long  needle  points,  and  the  ocatilla,  with  long 
willowy  stems,  which  in  the  wet  season  bears  fine  little  leaves,  but  which  in 
the  dry  season  are  replaced  by  thorns.  A  slight  acquaintance  with  weather 
conditions  on  the  desert,  makes  very  clear  the  reason  for  this  scant  foliage, 
and  explains  why  so  many  plants  are  thorny.  This,  however,  is  but  the 
part  of  the  protective  scheme  with  which  nature  arms  herself  to  shield  her 
self  from  the  weather;  for  the  bristling  forms  also  keep  away  animals 
which  might  attempt  to  get  too  great  a  quantity  of  the  stored  water,  so 
much  desired  by  them,  but  equally  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the 
plant. 

A  second  means  for  lessening  evaporation  is  employed  by  all  kinds  of 
plants,  it  is  a  coating  of  the  leaf  and  stem  surfaces  with  an  impervious 
covering.  This  varies  with  different  plants,  as  some  have  hardened  and 
waxed  the  skin,  while  others  have  shellacked  it  with  a  resinous  substance 
like  varnish,  but  all  in  one  way  or  another,  have  brought  the  surface  to  a 
close  texture  or  glazed  it.  In  these  ways  .vegetation  has  protected  itself: 
the  cacti  with  many  spines;  the  beautiful  paloverde  with  coated  green  stems 
and  feathery  foliage;  the  mesquite  with  long  roots,  seeking  deep  under 
ground  moisture;  the  occasional  willows  and  cottonwoods  along  the  dry 
water  courses,  together  with  the  few  other  plants.  Forbidding  as  this 
region  may  seem,  the  charm  of  its  weird  and  wonderful  vegetation,  its  clear 
atmosphere,  its  sunset  colors,  its  mysterious  night,  and  its  phantom  mirage, 
makes  it  far  from  an  unpleasant  spot.  To  the  Papago,  in  their  foothill 
villages  among  the  mesquite  and  the  cactus,  and  to  the  Pima,  among  the 
cottonwoods  and  willows  along  the  Gila  and  the  Salt,  belong  the  beauties 
of  the  desert  as  well  as  its  many  discomforts  and  limitations. 


132  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

The  general  physiographies]  and  botanical  characteristics  of  this  desert 
home  have  been  lightly  sketched  as  they  are  so  strongly  reflected  in  the 
textile  arts  of  these  people.  As  plant  life  has  been  compelled  to  adapt 
itself  to  the  physiographical  and  atmospheric  conditions  of  the  arid  environ 
ment,  so  likewise  the  Indian  has  had  to  follow  in  the  same  path  and  fit 
his  arts  and  industries,  his  devices  and  methods  of  meeting  daily  needs  to 
the  conditions  of  his  physical  surroundings.  Destitute  of  material  suitable 
for  textile  work,  as  this  environment  may  seem,  these  Indians  have  adapted 
that  little  to  their  need.  This,  of  course,  is  true  of  all  aboriginal  industry, 
but  the  extreme  conditions  of  the  desert  simplify  things  to  the  lowest  terms, 
so  that  it  is  easy  to  trace  influences  and  to  draw  conclusions  because  they  are 
so  self  evident,  as  is  impossible  to  do  in  regions  more  copiously  supplied  by 
nature. 

INFLUENCE  OF  ENVIRONMENT. 

It  is  a  recognized  fact  that  the  culture  and  industry  of  any  civilized 
nation  is  biased  to  a  large  degree  by  the  geographical  characteristics  of  its 
locality,  for  there  are  "  ties  infinite  in  number,  which  bind  life  to  the  earth."  l 
Even  more  easily  traced  is  the  bias  imposed  by  the  climate,  topography, 
flora  and  fauna  of  a  region  upon  the  arts  and  life  of  people  of  lower  culture, 
since  here  means  of  communication  and  transportation  are  restricted, 
although  not  entirely  limited,  but  enough  so  to  render  exchange  writh  distant 
peoples  impracticable.  The  dependence  of  the  culture  of  early  peoples 
upon  environment  is  a  subject  widely  discussed  by  ethnologists,  who  have 
showrn  conclusively  the  stamp  it  has  placed  upon  the  arts  of  a  particular 
area.  Likewise,  the  studies  of  ethno-botanists  have  pointed  out  very  defi 
nitely,  though  in  a  narrower  field,  the  relationship  between  plant  life  and 
the  technic  employed  in  the  various  industries.  In  none  of  these  industries 
is  the  interdependence  more  pronounced  than  in  textile  manufacture,  for  as 
Mason  has  said : — 

There  is  no  work  of  human  fingers  that  furnishes  a  better  opportunity  for  the 
study  of  techno-geography,  or  the  relationship  existing  between  an  industry  and 
the  region  where  it  was  developed  than  the  textile  art.2 

The  reason  for  undertaking  this  much  considered  topic  in  its  relation 
to  the  basketry  of  these  tribes,  is  because  it  works  out  with  such  nicety  in 
the  Papago-Pima  geographical  area.  Environmental  influence  can  be 
traced  in  the  textile  arts  of  any  locality,  but  it  is  more  adequately  shown 


1  Brigham,  P.     "Problems  of  geographic  influence,"  Science,  Feb.  9,  1905. 

2  Mason,  O.  T.     "Woman's  share  in  primitive  culture,"  41. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  133 

in  an  arid  region.  The  very  scantiness  manifests  this  minutely  and  the 
governing  influence  discloses  it  more  plainly,  so  that  dearth  of  materials 
makes  possible  the  drawing  of  closer  distinctions  and  surer  deductions  than 
could  be  made  in  a  richer  environment.  When  one  recalls  the  vegetation 
of  this  region,  as  described  in  the  last  chapter,  he  will  surely  ask,  "  Where 
indeed  among  these  parched,  spiny  plants  and  shrubs  can  be  found  suit 
able  material  for  the  manufacture  of  basket  receptacles  and  utensils  in  which 
to  collect,  store,  and  prepare  for  cooking  the  various  foodstuffs,  and  to  supply 
other  household  demands?"  With  all  the  protective  means  employed  by 
desert  plants  to  keep  them  provided  with  moisture,  none  seems  sufficiently 
successful  in  this,  to  yield  other  than  brittle  dried-up  stems  and  twigs,  so 
that  suitable  material  is  indeed  scarce.  Nevertheless,  the  Indian  woman 
finds  that  even  the  desert  affords  a  sufficient  supply,  although  it  requires 
much  effort  and  skill  to  discover  just  w^hat  is  of  value.  Long  years  of 
painstaking  search  were  necessary  in  the  preparation  and  adjustment  of 
these  to  the  function  at  hand,  but  in  all  this  she  has  been  successful.  The 
manner  in  wrhich  the  Pima  and  Papago  \vomen  have  made  this  selection  and 
adjustment,  the  way  they  have  economized  the  scant  supply  of  the  few 
best  materials,  and  have  adapted  to  the  greatest  advantage  the  less  desirable 
ones,  show  much  ingenuity  and  invention. 

Like  all  desert  regions,  this  one  furnishes  many  unique  examples  of  the 
adjustment  of  plant  life  to  climatic  conditions,  as  pointed  out  in  the  fore 
going  chapter,  where  it  was  shown  how  the  geographical  surroundings  had 
hindered  plant  growth,  and  how  plant  life  in  its  desperate  struggle  for 
existence  had  effected  an  adaptation  to  overcome  hindrances  of  habitat,  by 
bringing  to  pass  certain  physical  changes,  such  as  modifying  the  structure 
to  provide  for  the  storage  of  moisture  and  to  prevent  the  loss  of  the  same  by 
evaporation.     In  like  manner,  this  desert  vegetation  has  exerted  an  influ 
ence  upon  the  material  activities  of  the  tribes,  and  the  tribes  in  turn  have 
adapted  these  activities  to  the  limitation  of  the  desert.     Indeed,   these 
austere  conditions  have  rendered  it  necessary  to  put  forth  strenuous  effort 
to  perfect  the  adjustment.     It  is  interesting  to  trace  in  Papago  and  Pima 
basketry,  the  restrictions  imposed  by  the  thorny,  spiny  vegetation,  which 
proves  but  crude  material  for  basket  work.     These  brittle  spiny  stems  and 
leaves  set  their  imprint  upon  this  art,  and  determine  to  a  large  degree  the 
method  of  construction,  both  as  to  kind  and  quality  of  technic,  for  as  marvel- 
ously  as  the  vegetal  life  of  the  region  shows  the  effect  of  adverse  conditions, 
just  as  wonderfully  does  the  basketry  exhibit  the  imprint  of  the  unsuitable 
materials  furnished:  Papago  basketry  that  of  the  plant  life  of  the  foothills; 
Pima  basketry  that  of  the  vegetation  of  the  river  valleys.     Thus,  because 
of  the  material  required  in  the  construction,  certain  technics  are  allotted  to 


134  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

both  tribes,  and  others  are  assigned  to  each  tribe,  while  similar  technics 
common  to  both  show  noticeable  variation  from  the  same  cause,  that  of 
available  material. 

The  most  striking  fact  in  the  relation  between  environmental  conditions 
and  the  basketry  technology  of  the  region  is  that  this  agency  has  excluded 
the  two  most  common  kinds  of  weaving,  wicker  and  twined,  which  are 
generally  found  in  regions  where  basketry  is  practised.  The  usual  plain 
weaving,  or  wicker,  a  technic  almost  universally  employed  by  aboriginal 
peoples  throughout  the  world  when  a  heavy  style  of  construction  is  de 
manded  for  rougher  domestic  purposes,  is  notably  absent.  Wattling,  or 
twining,  another  type  of  weaving  which,  with  wicker,  is  an  equally  frequent 
technic  for  strong  basket  wrare  the  world  over,  is  also  not  present.  An 
abundance  of  bendable  twigs,  or  splints  is  required  for  the  manufacture  of 
these  two  technics :  strong,  slightly  flexible  ones  for  the  foundation  element, 
and  slender  supple  ones  for  the  binding  element.  On  the  desert,  pliable 
twigs,  or  even  semi-pliable  ones  are  scarce,  and  the  scant  supply  from  the 
few  willows  and  cottonwoods  along  the  streams  does  not  warrant  their  use 
in  the  wholesale  manner  demanded  by  wicker  and  twined  weaving.  The 
few  pliant  twigs  are  too  precious  for  this;  each  twig  must  be  made  to  cover 
as  great  a  surface  .as  possible  by  being  split  many  times  and  thus  serve  as  a 
number  of  strips.  The  utilization  of  these  thin  strips  necessitates  another 
kind  of  basketry  than  that  of  weaving  —  coiling  —  where  a  more  eco 
nomic  employment  of  the  limited  flexible  material  is  possible.  Hence,  the 
exclusion  of  the  heavy  openwork  technics  of  wicker  and  twined  weaving 
and  the  development  and  extensive  use  for  heavy  coarse  structures  of  the 
third  type  of  weaving,  wrapped  weave,  a  technic  whose  presence  is  due  to 
desert  conditions  (Figs.  1-10).  Dearth  of  sufficient  material,  save  stiff 
slats  and  rods  for  the  foundation  and  strips  of  hide,  thong,  and  other  cord- 
like  material  for  the  binder,  make  possible  wrapped  weaving  of  two  varieties, 
plain  wrapped  weave,  and  lattice  wrapped  weave  (p.  140).  Here  the 
technic  serves  most  frequently  for  staying  and  strengthening  bands,  quite 
rudely  made,  and  difficult  to  recognize  as  similar  to  the  close  textures  of 
lattice  wrapped  weaving  on  bags  and  caps  of  the  Xez  Perce  Indians,  baskets 
and  hats  of  the  Makah  Indians,  baskets  of  the  people  of  the  Lower  Congo, 
or  the  colored  borders  of  the  beautiful  flax  robes  of  the  Maori  of  New  Zea 
land,  where  finer  materials  make  possible  these  closely  woven  and  refined 
textures.  Neither  can  it  be  compared  with  the  coarser  strong  openwork 
wrapped  weaving  of  the  Filipinos,  or  the  Malay  Islanders,  who  have  at  hand 
the  pliant  bamboo  in  place  of  the  stiff  desert  materials  of  these  tribes. 

The  materials  here  are  of  the  crudest  kind.  The  giant  cactus,  Saguara 
(Cereus  giganteus),  has  a  wide  distribution  in  the  higher  and  lower  foothills, 
with  a  scattering  down  to  the  plains,  and  is  therefore  accessible  to  the 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  135 

inhabitants  of  the  foothill  villages  and  not  far  distant  from  those  in  the 
alluvial  bottomlands.  It  is  split  open,  and  the  great  stiff  ribs  furnish  light 
firm  rods  and  slats  which  will  serve  as  a  firm  foundation  element.  The  long 
roots  of  the  widely  distributed  mesquite  tree  (Prosopis  veluntina)  supplies 
another  material,  but  one  harder  to  get,  as  it  must  be  dug;  still,  it  has  a 
serviceable  quality  when  a  curved  foundation  element  is  desired,  as  for 
cradles,  since  it  can  be  bent  when  still  green.  In  the  valleys  the  cactus  is 
supplemented  by  another  equally  suitable  material  when  small  foundation 
rods  are  needed,  the  stems  of  the  arrowbush  (Plucca  borealis  and  Plucea 
sericea).  A  pliable  binding  element  was  not  so  easily  discovered,  since 
plant  life  yields  nothing  save  the  too  precious  willow  and  cottonwood  twigs. 
So  the  Indian  woman  was  obliged  to  search  elsewrhere,  and  has  found  in 
animal  sinew  and  thong  suitable  binding  materials,  while  civilization  has 
added  two  others,  strips  of  cotton  cloth  and  wire. 

Another  technic  found  in  both  tribes  and  one  contrasting  sharply  with 
the  heavy  wrapped  weaving  is  lace  coiling,  a  light  airy  basketry  technic 
made  possible  by  the  presence  in  the  region  of  the  fiber  yielding  plants: 
agave  (Agave  sp.,  Agave  heteracantha  and  Yucca  elata)  among  the  Papago; 
and  the  maguey  (Tasylirioni  Whecleri)  among  the  Pima  (see  p.  225).  As 
these  plants  grow  in  the  higher  hills  of  the  two  habitats  they  are  easily 
accessible  to  both  tribes,  although  to  procure  them  the  Pima  must  journey 
farther  from  their  home  in  the  valley  than  the  Papago  from  theirs  in  the 
foothills.  The  tribes  constructed  their  kiahas  or  carrying  frames  of  the  lace 
coiling.  The  early  Pima  kiaha,  judging  from  the  one  collected  by  Edward 
Palmer  *  in  1885  and  now  in  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  differed  in  shape 
and  intricacy  of  technic  from  that  used  later  by  both  tribes,  and  now  made 
exclusively  by  the  Papago.  Its  inverted  cone  shape  was  taller  and  more 
tapering,  the  open  lacework  was  of  simple  design,  with  the  appearance  of 
having  been  made  entirely  for  service.  Its  frame  was  not  prominent  or 
distinctive,  neither  did  its  four  poles  extend  below  the  lace  cone,  and  only  a 
short  distance  above.  They  crossed  just  below  the  lacework,  and  then 
followed  the  lace  wall  of  the  slender  cone  to  its  rim  without  much  spread, 
and  were  cut  short  a  little  above  it.  This  Museum  also  has  a  small  kiaha 
(65-168)  of  similar  shape  collected  in  1895  from  the  Cora.  Its  frame  is  of 
a  wood  like  bamboo  and  its  lace  covering  of  simple  design.  The  Papago 
kiaha  of  twenty  years  ago  is  notable  for  its  elaborate  openwork  covering 
and  conspicuous  frame  (Figs.  75-79),  and  its  form  is  a  more  shallow  cone, 
in  contrast  to  the  deeper  cone  of  the  early  Pima  shape,  while  the  covering  is 
not  of  plain  lace  coiling,  but  one  with  complicated  pattern,  surpassing  in 
elaborateness  that  of  lace  coiling  from  other  tribes.  The  framework  also  dif- 

1  Mason,  O.  T.     "Primitive  Travel  and  Transportation,"  Rept.  Nat.  Mus.,  1894,  470. 


1 36  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVIIr 

fers  from  the  early  Pima  kiaha  frame  as  it  holds  a  prominent  place,  stretch 
ing  its  four  poles  far  above  and  below  the  lace  cover,  with  a  rapid  spread 
as  they  follow  the  wall  of  the  shallow  cone.  Two  of  the  lower  ends  continue 
some  thirty  centimeters  below  where  they  cross  (Fig.  75),  thus  affording  a 
support  when  the  kiaha  stands  for  loading,  or  when  not  in  use;  likewise, 
two  of  the  upper  ends,  the  front  ones  at  times  reach  a  length  of  ninety 
centimeters  (Fig.  80-81).  It  is  these  spreading,  sprawling  poles  which  give 
to  the  Papago  kiaha  its  strange  spider-like  appearance  (Figs.  75-81). 

Kiaha  use  has  experienced  a  change  within  a  score  of  years.  Twenty- 
five  years  ago  there  were  two  styles  of  kiahas,  a  Pima  type,  and  a  Papago 
type,  while  today  there  is  but  one,  the  old  Papago  kiaha.  The  information 
gathered  from  the  Pima  women  in  1910-1911  showed  that  most  of  the  kiahas 
in  use  for  the  past  fifteen  years,  had  been  purchased  from  the  Papago  either 
in  completed  form,  or  in  a  finished  lace  cover,  ready  to  be  stretched  on  a 
frame.  Two  women  reported  that  they  had  made  the  lace  cover  themselves, 
but  both  had  procured  the  fiber  cord  from  the  Papago.  No  woman  was 
found  who  had  gathered  the  maguey  leaves  and  made  her  own  cord.  Still 
Frank  Russell,1  from  information  gathered  in  1901-1902  describes  the  Pima 
women  as  gathering  and  preparing  their  maguey  leaves,  spinning  the  fiber 
cord,  and  fabricating  the  kiaha  of  the  Papago.  It  is  probable  that  there  were 
then  living  elderly  women,  now  gone,  who  still  held  to  the  old  practice  of 
maguey  gathering  and  cord-making,  but  who  in  the  transition  had  adopted 
the  more  beautiful  Papago  type,  like  those  which  neighbors  were  procuring 
through  trade.  Why  the  Pima  began  to  purchase  the  Papago  kiaha  can 
have  but  one  logical  explanation,  that  of  environmental  influence.  The 
transportation  facilities  brought  about  through  the  introduction  of  the 
horse  and  wagon,  made  it  easier  to  trade  for  the  kiaha  with  the  Papago, 
whose  material  was  nearer  at  hand,  than  to  climb  to  the  distant  hills  for 
maguey.  The  giving  up  of  the  old  Pima  type  would  naturally  follow,  and 
duringthe  transition  which  preceded  this,  the  copying  of  the  more  beautiful 
Papago  kiaha  would  be  an  easy  matter  and  a  normal  sequence. 

As  rigid  materials,  together  with  sinew  and  thong,  have  given  wrapped 
weave  to  both  tribes,  and  fiber  plants  have  provided  the  lace  coil,  so  still 
other  materials  have  brought  a  third  technic,  foundation  coil  (Figs.  35  and  59) 
of  the  coarse  and  close  varieties  (p.  190).  The  two  elements  which  com 
pose  foundation  coil,  the  binder  and  the  foundation,  perform  different 
functions  in  technic  building,  and  thus  call  for  materials  with  unlike  quali 
ties.  The  exacting  element  is  the  binder,  a  narrow  splint-like  strip  which 
does  the  work  of  uniting  the  adjacent  rounds  of  the  foundation,  for  this 

Russell,  F..  "The  Pima  Indians."     26th  Ann.  Repi.  Bur.  Ethno..  140-143. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  137 

active  element  must  wind  about  the  foundation  coils  in  a  tiny  spiral  catching 
them  together.  Stiff  materials  are  impracticable  for  this,  as  they  crack 
and  break.  The  foundation  element  needs  less  care  in  its  selection,  harsher 
materials  may  compose  it,  since  it  is  simply  a  bunch  of  splints  loosely  coiled 
about  the  basket  as  a  passive  foundation,  over  which  the  binding  element 
moves,  by  first  encircling  it  and  then  passing  through  the  upper  edge  of  the 
last  round  of  coiling  before  taking  another  turn  about  the  foundation. 
Thus,  one  can  understand  that  the  close  winding  spiral  demands  a  flexible 
material  and  one  of  some  strength.  The  shrubs  along  the  banks  of  the  one 
desert  stream,  the  Santa  Cruz,  furnish  the  Papago  a  little  pliable  material 
for  the  light  colored  binding  element,  but  throughout  the  greater  part  of 
their  land,  one  material  only  is  supplied  the  basket  maker  of  coiled  ware, 
the  seed  pod  of  the  martynia,  or  devil's  claw  (Martynia  probosidea)  which 
contributes  black  binding  splints  for  both  tribes  (see  p.  202).  In  the  Pima 
country,  lying  to  the  north  and  in  a  region  a  little  less  arid,  vegetation 
changes  slightly  by  the  addition  of  a  few  desert  streams,  which  although  dry 
most  of  the  year,  receive  sufficient  water  in  the  rainy  season  to  sustain  along 
their  banks  a  few  willows  and  cottonwoods,  whose  young  shoots  furnish  the 
Pima  with  material  for  the  light-colored  binding  element  and  some  to  trade 
with  the  Papago  (see  p.  199).  Hence,  both  tribes  are  supplied  with  the 
materials  for  foundation  coiling  of  the  close  variety.  Materials  for  the 
coarse  variety  of  coiling  are  supplied  by  each  habitat :  to  the  Papago,  bear- 
grass  (Nolina  crumpems),  young  ocatilla  stems  (Fouquieria  splendens), 
splints  of  saguara  ribs  (Cereus  giganteus)  and  occasionally  wheat  straw 
( Triiicum  vulge)  for  the  foundation  element  and  mesquite  (Prosopis  veluntina) 
and  other  barks  for  the  binding  element;  to  the  Pima,  wheat  straw  for  the 
foundation,  and  willow  (Salix  nigra)  and  mesquite  (Prosopis  veluntina) 
barks  for  the  binder. 

As  has  been  seen  the  general  distribution  of  certain  plants  over  the  entire 
area  has  apportioned  to  both  tribes  the  basketry  technics  of  wrapped  weave, 
foundation  coil,  and  lace  coil.  A  more  limited  distribution  of  different 
plants  in  the  two  habitats  assigns  to  each  tribe  a  distinct  technic:  crude  coil 
to  the  river  villages  of  the  Pima  and  plaiting  to  the  higher  foothill  villages 
of  the  Papago.  In  the  Pima  country  the  two  rivers,  the  Gila  and  the  Salt, 
although  fluctuating  streams  and  dry  most  of  the  year,  supply  in  addition 
to  the  cottonwoods  and  willows,  the  water  shrub  arrowbush  (Plucea  borealis, 
and  Plucea  sericea).  This  furnishes  a  type  of  basketry  found  in  very 
few  parts  of  the  world,  as  it  appears  to  be  solely  a  desert  technic,  and  to 
have  developed  where  there  is  a  scant  supply  of  basket  material  as  in  south 
western  North  America.  The  technic  is  crude  coiling  (see  p.  172),  which 
constructs  the  peculiar  shaped  granaries  seen  upon  many  of  the  houseroofs 


138  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

or  raised  platforms  (Figs.  29-30).  These  old  nest-shaped  structures  with 
overhanging  covers  are  an  elementary  coiling  (Fig.  27),  extensively  found 
among  the  Pima,  but  wanting,  for  lack  of  suitable  material,  among  the 
Papago.  An  exception  to  this  was  found  in  two  hive-shaped  granaries  of 
this  technic  seen  in  one  Papago  village  near  the  Santa  Cruz  (Fig.  28),  where 
material  of  this  character  was  obtainable.  It  seems  quite  probable  that 
dearth  of  refined  material  suitable  for  the  more  perfect  technics,  especially 
the  scarcity  of  pliable  binding  elements,  must  have  been  largely  responsible 
for  the  development  of  crude  coiling. 

The  Papago  have  sought  the  heights  of  their  land  in  preference  to  the 
dry  valleys  since  they  are  dependent  upon  wells  for  wrater  which  is  reached 
at  less  depth  there  than  in  the  valleys.  This  location  gives  them  access  to 
the  thick-stemmed,  thick-leaved  plants  of  the  higher  altitudes:  the  giant 
cactus,  agave,  yucca,  and  palmea.  Of  these,  one  of  the  most  important  for 
basketry  is  the  palmea  (Dasylirion  W  heeler  i),  growing  on  the  dry  rocky 
slopes  of  the  higher  foothills,  four  thousand  feet  above  sea  level.  It  is  the 
only  plant  in  the  entire  region  now  employed  for  plaiting  sleeping  mats, 
headrings,  kiaha  mats  and  headbands  (Figs.  11,  19,  20,  75,  80),  medicine 
and  trinket  baskets  (Figs.  26  and  21,  see  p.  150).  It  is  a  plant  quite 
similar  in  growth  to  the  Spanish  bayonet,  and  bears  a  long  slender  leaf 
of  light  green,  edged  with  thorns.  When  cleared  of  these  and  split  in  half, 
it  forms  a  suitable  material  for  plaiting  the  mat-like  surface  of  this  technic. 
All  plaiting  requires  for  manufacture  bands  of  flexible  material,  but  its 
three  types  demand  different  degrees  of  pliability.  Checker  plaiting  needs 
the  most  supple,  and  no  material  in  the  region  fulfils  the  requirement; 
lattice  plaiting  admits  of  less  pliant  strips,  but  they  must  be  very  strong, 
and  no  material  is  present  which  is  sufficiently  substantial  and  yet  will 
bend  without  breaking.  Material  for  the  third  type,  twilled  plaiting,  is 
supplied  by  the  palmea  on  the  higher  foothills,  and  since  the  Papago  are 
great  travelers,  the  short  journey  for  this  material  is  not  troublesome.  The 
arrival  of  civilization,  with  greater  trade  facilities,  has  linked  even  more 
closely  the  habitat  and  the  practice  of  this  technic  by  limiting  plaiting  to 
the  few  villages  nearest  the  mountains,  where  each  year  more  and  more 
plaiting  is  done  and  less  in  the  lower  villages,  so  that  from  the  Indian  women 
of  the  higher  villages  plaited  articles  can  be  obtained  by  the  Papago  as  well 
as  the  Pima.  Occasionally,  to  be  sure,  there  is  found  an  old  woman  in  some 
of  the  other  Papago  villages,  who  prefers  to  continue  the  old  art  and  do  her 
own  plaiting  even  if  she  is  put  to  considerable  inconvenience  in  procuring 
material.  A  great  many  years  ago,  plaiting  was  done  by  the  Pima,  but 
owing  to  the  shutting  off  of  the  headwaters  of  their  two  rivers  by  the  white 
men,  these  streams  are  dry  during  most  of  the  year,  and  the  one  suitable 
plaiting  material,  the  river  plant,  Phragmctis  communis,  which  formerly 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  139 

grew  along  their  banks  is  no  longer  found.  This  river  cane  was  a  stiffer 
and  less  durable  material  and  much  more  difficult  to  manipulate  than 
palmea,  so  that  its  use  was  limited  to  mattings  as  it  was  unsuitable  for 
baskets,  or  articles  not  flat.  Hence,  because  of  this  change  which  cut  off 
the  material,  the  Pima  do  not  plait  as  of  old,  and  altered  conditions  have 
restricted  the  technic  to  the  Papago. 

The  presence  throughout  the  entire  area  of  the  three  technics :  wrapped 
weaving,  foundation  coiling,  and  lace  coiling,  owing  to  the  general  distribu 
tion  of  certain  plants  has  been  discussed;  as  has  also  the  allotment  of  a 
distinct  technic  to  each  tribe:  to  the  Papago  plaiting  and  to  the  Pima  crude 
coiling,  because  of  a  particular  plant  material  found  in  each  habitat.  There 
is  still  to  be  considered  the  influence  of  the  vegetation  in  each  habitat  upon 
a  technic  common  to  both  tribes,  that  is  foundation  coiling,  with  its  two 
varieties,  close  and  coarse  coil  (pp.  179  and  190).  As  has  been  said,  the 
manufacture  of  close  coil  is  very  greatly  hindered  by  the  scarcity  of  material 
for  the  flexible  binding  element,  calling  forth  interesting  economic  adapta 
tion  of  the  scant  supply.  But  it  is  the  foundation  material  that  is  of  interest 
here,  for  although  it  does  not  need  qualities  of  flexibility,  strength,  and 
adaptability  to  the  degree  called  for  by  the  active  binder,  its  characteristics 
have  a  marked  influence  upon  the  finished  product  in  qualities  of  build, 
texture,  and  accuracy  in  technic.  The  material  commonly  employed  by 
many  tribes  for  the  foundation  element  of  close  coiled  ware  is  willow  splints, 
but  as  a  great  quantity  is  consumed  by  the  foundation,  this  region  does  not 
afford  a  sufficient  supply  to  meet  the  demand  and  the  scant  amount  is  too 
precious  for  an  extensive  use  of  it.  Therefore,  the  Papago  ordinarily  employ 
beargrass  (Nolina  erumpcms)  from  the  foothills,  or  occasionally  Spanish 
bayonet  (Yucca  baccata);  and  the  Pima  use  cat-tail  (Thypha  angustifolio 
Linn.)  from  along  the  streams,  or  less  frequently  brittle  cottonwood  splints 
(Populus  frcmontii)  (see  p.  198).  The  use  of  unlike  materials  would  obvi 
ously  affect  the  finished  technic  and  this  is  demonstrated  by  the  contrasting 
qualities  which  these  materials  have  left  upon  the  close  coiling  of  these 
tribes,  for  the  harsh  beargrass  gives  to  the  Papago  basket  a  heavier,  stiffer, 
and  firmer  construction  and  to  the  Pima  a  lighter,  thinner,  and  more  pliable 
one  which  is  also  less  durable  (see  p.  251).  From  the  abundance  of  martynia 
and  the  lack  of  light-colored  binding  splints  in  Papagueria  springs  another 
modifying  agency,  wrhich  results  in  a  dominance  of  black  in  Papago  ware; 
but  even  where  both  dark  and  light  material  are  present,  the  greater  diffi 
culty  in  preparing  the  martynia  splints,  results  in  a  dominance  of  light  in  the 
Pima  ware  (see  pp.  202  and  250). 

As  noticeably  as  is  close  coiled  ware  in  the  two  tribes  differentiated, 
because  of  distinguishing  qualities  given  by  the  materials,  so  also  are  the 
coarse  coiled  granaries,  since  here  also  unlike  materials  have  left  their 


140 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


imprint  upon  both  the  shape  and  the  quality  of  technic  (p.  183).  The  Pima 
foundation  material  is  wheat  straw,  a  smooth,  even,  shapable  material;  the 
Papago  is  beargrass,  young  ocatilla  shoots,  or  strips  of  the  inner  rib  of  giant 
cactus  which  can  be  split  like  bamboo,  and  very  occasionally  wheat  straw, 
all  materials  much  less  pliable  and  harsher  to  handle.  The  Pima  binding 
materials  are  the  bark  of  willow,  mesquite,  and  other  trees;  that  of  the 
Papago  mesquite  bark  and  yucca.  The  controlling  agents  here,  as  in  close 
coil,  are  the  foundation  materials,  whose  qualities  are  responsible  for  the 
dissimilarities.  Their  influence  on  form  gives  to  the  great  globular  and  bell- 
shaped  granaries  of  the  Pima,  using  the  more  pliable  wheat  straw,  a  shapely 
contour  and  beauty  of  line;  and  to  the  barrel  shapes  of  the  Papago,  using 
beargrass  and  other  harsh  materials,  a  less  symmetrical  basket  receptacle, 
with  imperfect  outline  (Figs.  34-35).  Influence  of  material  even  extends 
to  the  quality  of  technic,  since  the  wheat  straw  multiple  foundation  can  be 
more  skilfully  managed,  allowing  an  evenness  to  the  technic  and  a  precise 
arrangement  of  the  spiral  segments  of  the  binding  element  which  runs  in 
lines  from  the  base  to  the  rim  (Figs.  32  and  34).  Not  so  with  the  Papago 
granary,  the  harsh  unwieldy  materials  do  not  conduce  to  anything  but  a 
rough  "hit  or  miss"  setting  of  the  spiral  segments  of  the  binding  element 
(Figs.  33  and  35). 

WRAPPED  WEAVING. 

The  earliest  basketry  of  this  locality,  in  all  probability,  is  a  weaving 
technic  constructed  of  a  series  of  parallel  rods  forming  the  warp,  and  a 
uniting  weft.  The  commonest  types  of  weaving,  wicker  and  twined,  are, 
with  one  minor  exception,  not  present,  since  there  are  no  suitable  materials 


Fig.  1  (50.1-5279).     Wrapped  Weaving  Technic. 

for  their  manufacture.  Basketry  wicker  work,  or  plain  weaving,  which 
finds  an  almost  universal  use  in  coarse  openwork  structures,  and  which 
has  perpetuated  itself  in  the  loom  weaving  of  the  modern  power  loom,  is 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


141 


distinguished  from  other  types  of  weaving  by  its  interlacing  weft.  Twined 
weaving,  another  substantial  technic  which  is  almost,  if  not  quite,  as  wide 
spread  in  use,  and  which  thus  far  no  machine  has  succeeded  in  imitating, 
is  distinguished  by  its  twining  weft  of  two  or  more  strands.  The  third  type 
of  weaving  is  wrapped  weave,  a  technic  found  here  in  two  varieties,  simple 
wrapped  weave  and  lattice  wrapped  weave.  The  weft  of  this  type  does  not 


Fig.  2  (50. 1-4861  ab).     Lattice  Wrapped  Weaving  Technic:  a,  front;  b,  back. 

interlace  through  the  warp  strands,  as  in  wicker  weaving,  neither  does  it 
twine  about  them  as  in  twined  weaving,  but  it  wraps  about  each  rod  of  the 
parallel  warp  series  (Fig.  1).  Lattice  wrapped  weaving  is  more  complicated 
and  stronger  than  wrapped  weaving,  as  it  employs  two  series  of  parallel  warps 
crossing  each  other  at  right  angles.  These  are  bound  together  at  their  point 
of  crossing  by  a  wrapping  of  the  weft  strand  about  them  (Fig.  2). 


142 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


In  early  days,  this  interesting  old  weave,  crude  as  it  is,  supplied  many 
needs  of  the  Papago  and  Pima.  It  furnished  large,  strong  openwork  struc 
tures  such  as  coops  and  cages  in  which  to  keep  live  wild  fowl  caught  for 
food;  hanging  shelves  upon  which  to  suspend  animal  and  vegetable  food  to 
protect  it  from  rodents,  and  the  ravenous  coyote;  doors  for  the  huts  and 
storage  sheds;  and  cradles  for  the  infant.  All  these  are  fast  disappearing 
with  the  influx  of  civilization,  indeed,  only  four  basket  doors  of  simple 
wrapped  weaving  were  seen  in  the  two  dozen  villages  visited.  These  pliable 
doors  fold  back  upon  themselves,  as  the  soft  weft  binder  of  skin  thong  which 


Fig.  3.     Oldest  Type  of  House  showing  a  Door  constructed  with  Rows  of  Wrapped 
Weaving. 


unites  the  parallel  slats  of  giant  cactus  rib  constructs  a  mat-like  form  which 
will  roll  from  the  two  sides  (Figs.  3-4).  Old  oval  shaped  sieves  with  a 
strainer  of  wrapped  weaving,  are  even  more  scarce  (Fig.  5). 

The  hanging  shelf  still  finds  frequent  use,  where  it  is  seen  suspended 
from  the  beam  of  many  of  the  arbors  and  storage  sheds.  It  is  habitually 
piled  high  with  all  sorts  of  provisions,  baskets,  pots,  and  other  things. 
Civilization  seems  to  have  made  no  change  in  this  shelf  of  lattice  wrapped 
weave,  except  that  in  many  instances  the  material  for  binding  together  the 
warp  sticks  of  cactus  rib,  or  other  wood,  is  of  store-bought  string,  strips  of 


Fig.  4.     Detail  of  Door  of  Wrapped  Weaving  shown  in  Fig.  3. 

Fig.  5  (U.  S.  National  Museum).     Sieve  constructed  of  Wrapped  Weaving. 


143 


144 


A  nthropological  Papers  A  mcrican  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII,. 


Fig.  6  (U.  S.  National  Museum).     Cage  constructed  of  Lattice  Wrapped  Weaving. 
Fig.   7   (50.1-4861).     Rectangular  Coop  of  Saguara  Ribs  and  Thong  constructed  of 
Lattice  Wrapped  Weaving. 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


145 


Fig.  8  (50.1-5235,  4537,  4538,  4628,  4554,  5131).     Pima  Hair  Brushes.     Varieties  of 
wrapping  shown  ranging  from  the  crudest  binding  to  ornamental  weaving  in  designs. 


14(5 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVI] 


:, 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  147 

cotton  cloth,  or  wire.  The  coop,  or  cage,  of  lattice  wrapping  is  usually 
rectangular  in  shape,  although  at  times  it  is  supplied  with  a  rounding  top. 
Sizes  as  well  as  materials  also  vary,  although  saguara  ribs  and  skin  thong 
are  the  more  usual  (Figs.  6-7). 

The  most  common  material  for  the  warp  element  of  this  weave  is  the 
giant  cactus  (Cereus  giganteus),  the  ribs  of  whose  great  fluted  columns 
furnish  a  straight,  light,  porous  wood,  which  serves  admirably  as  foundation 
rods  on  house  doors,  cages,  and  the  larger  shelves.  Another  material  is 
arrowbush  (Plucea  borealis  and  Plucea  sericea),  whose  larger  stems  are  both 
straight  and  uniform  in  diameter,  and  which,  although  of  smaller  size  than 
the  cactus  ribs,  are  suitable  for  articles  where  smaller  warp  rods  are  needed. 
The  most  usual  binding  elements  are  thong,  the  hide  cut  in  strips  and 
slightly  twisted;  and  sinew  from  the  back  and  legs  of  deer,  split  into  fine 
shreds.  Cradles  are  constructed  of  the  mesquite  root  (Prosopis  veluntina), 
saguara  ribs,  cat's  claw  (Acacia  Greggii)  and  willow  (Salix  nigra) ;  with  a 
binding  element  of  sinew,  thong,  or  fine  mesquite  roots,  used  while  still 
green.  Papago  hair  brushes  are  generally  of  agave  fiber  (Agave  sp.) ;  those 
of  the  Pima  are  of  grasses,  the  tripled  awn  (Aristida  calif ornica),  and 
Sacaton  grass  (Sporobolus  wrightii);  of  grass  roots;  of  yucca  fiber  (Yucca 
baccata),  or  agave  fiber  (Agave  lecheguea). 

The  crudest  form  of  wrapped  weaving  occurs  on  the  hair  brushes  of  the 
locality.  The  technic  is  merely  a  winding  and  fastening,  as  the  fiber, 
grasses,  or  roots  are  simply  bunched  together  and  wrapped  toward  one  end, 
at  times  with  crude  craftsmanship,  at  others  more  perfectly  (Fig.  8).  A 
more  advanced  wrapping,  sufficiently  so  to  be  termed  wrapped  weaving, 
is  that  found  on  the  house  doors,  sieves,  and  stirrers  (Figs.  3-5).  Here  the 
rods  and  stems  of  cactus  ribs,  arrowbush,  or  other  stiff  materials,  are  laid 
in  a  parallel  series  to  form  warp,  and  the  pliable  weft  of  sinew,  or  skin  thong, 
is  wrapped  in  a  single  strand  about  them.  This  moves  across  the  parallel 
series  forward  over  two  rods  in  front,  between  the  rods,  backward  over  one 
rod  behind,  and  between  the  rods  to  the  front,  to  again  repeat  the  process, 
and  so  continue  until  the  series  of  warp  rods  are  all  united  (Fig.  1).  More 
of  such  lines  placed  only  close  enough  to  stay  the  rods  complete  the  surface 
seen  in  Figs.  3-5,  producing  a  rough,  pliable  technic  of  wrapped  weaving, 
which  is  widely  distributed  among  peoples  of  lower  culture. 

An  elementary  basket  technic  enters  into  the  house  construction  of  these 
tribes,  a  crude  form  of  lattice  wrapped  weaving,  for  a  vertical  series  of 
parallel  slats  are  crossed  by  a  horizontal  series,  and  knotted  together  at 
intervals  by  a  bit  of  green  twig,  or  of  bayonet  leaf.  Fig.  9  shows  a  part  of 
the  wall  of  such  a  brush  hut,  with  its  basket-like  technic  of  wrapping.  A 
framework  of  the  trunks  and  saplings  of  cottonwood,  or  willow,  is  first 


148  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

erected,  whose  walls  are  built  of  standing  stems  of  ocatilla,  or  arrow- 
bush,  and  securely  held  in  place  on  both  the  outer  and  inner  surfaces  by 
horizontal  slats  which  cross  the  vertical  stems  at  short  distances  apart. 
The  process  of  uniting  the  outer  and  inner  horizontal  slats  to  the  upright 
stems  is  a  wrapping  and  then  a  tying  of  the  binding  twig,  or  leaf,  and  differs 
from  basketry  lattice  wrapped  weaving  only  in  this  tying.  The  widely 
separated  joinings  in  hut  construction,  because  of  the  distance  between, 
necessitates  a  breaking  of  the  wrapping  movement,  which  in  the  closer  joints 
of  basketwork  is  carried  in  a  continuous  and  unbroken  movement  from  one 
joint  to  the  next  (Fig.  2).  The  short  lengths  of  the  binding  twig,  or  leaf, 
will  answer  the  purpose  in  house  construction,  but  a  longer  element,  one  of 
sufficient  length  to  wrap  several  joints  and  usually  supplied  by  skin  thong, 
or  sinew,  is  required  for  lattice  wrapped  weaving. 

The  crudest  form  of  lattice  wrapped  weaving  of  the  Papago  and  Pima 
is  found  on  their  cradles,  a  formerly  used  article,  but  one  which  owing  to 
conditions  of  change  has  almost  disappeared.  The  almost  universal  basket 
cradle  of  California  and  the  adjoining  desert  region  varies  greatly  in  the 
different  localities  as  to  construction,  shape,  and  decoration,  but  its  tech- 
nic  always  holds  to  some  form  of  weaving,  either  wicker,  twined,  or 
wrapped,  each  in  the  region  where  vegetation  is  best  suited  to  that  con 
struction.  The  most  perfect  cradle,  both  as  to  shape  and  technic,  is  made 
by  the  Hupa  Indians  of  northwestern  California,  a  slipper-like  shape  of 
twined  twigs.  Between  this  perfect  form  and  the  simplest  is  a  long  series 
of  great  variety,  the  crudest  being  that  of  the  Tonkawa,  Oklahoma,  Walapai, 
Mohave,  Papago,  and  Pima,  which  consists  of  a  simple  frame  of  rods  and 
slats,  bound  together  with  a  rough  wrapping  and  double  tying,  quite  simi 
lar  to  Papago  and  Pima  hut  construction.  It  is  a  technic  which  hardly 
can  be  dignified  as  basketry,  but  shows  rather  an  interesting  transition 
between  the  simple  tying  process  and  lattice  wrapped  weaving  (Fig.  10). 

The  primary  use  of  the  cradle  was  not  for  transportation,  but  for  putting 
the  infant  to  sleep  when  it  grew  drowsy.  Indeed,  the  child  often  cried  for 
its  cradle  and  was  quiet  when  strapped  in,  but  was  always  removed  as  soon 
as  sound  asleep.  When  employed  as  a  carrier,  the  cradle  frame  was  either 
placed  on  top  of  the  loaded  kiaha,  or  rested  horizontally  on  the  mother's 
head,  with  its  arched  hoop  to  the  front  for  a  handle.  Older  children  were 
never  carried  in  the  cradle,  but,  as  now,  astride  the  hip  supported  by  a 
strip  of  cloth  or  a  shawl. 

The  arched  hoop,  or  the  foundation  of  the  frame  is  of  willow,  cat's  claw, 
or  mesquite  root,  and  more  frequently  of  the  last.  The  mesquite  tree  needs 
more  moisture  than  other  desert  vegetation,  so  that  in  Papagueria  it  grows 
along  the  dry  water  courses,  sending  out  its  roots  to  great  depth  in  search 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


149 


of  underground  rivulets.  In  the  Pima  country  it  grows  along  the  streams 
where  its  long  projecting  roots  hang  from  the  banks,  reaching  for  river  water. 
In  the  first  region  one  must  dig  deep  for  these  roots,  and  in  the  second  trace 
far  back  into  the  bank  to  reach  roots  of  sufficient  size  for  the  cradle  frame. 
Upon  bringing  it  home,  the  root  is  immediately  skinned  by  means  of  the 
teeth  and  fingers,  and  should  the  skin  be  slow  to  yield  it  is  loosened  by  being 
held  over  the  fire.  It  is  then  cut  twice  the  length  of  the  proposed  cradle, 
heated  and  arched  by  placing  the  foot  upon  its  middle  point  and  bending 
up  the  two  ends  and  tied  in  position  until  dry,  when  the  bent  root  retains 
its  arched  shape.  At  times  the  root  is  so  soft  that  if  taken  while  still  green, 
it  can  be  shaped  without  heating.  The  arched  hoop  having  been  prepared, 
cross  bars  of  giant  cactus  rib  are  cut  the  length  of  the  distance  between  the 


Fig.  10  (50.1-5248ab).  Pima  Cradle.  The  frame  in  this  specimen  is  of  crude  lattice 
wrapped  weaving,  the  hood  of  twilled  weaving,  the  mattress  of  bark,  strapped  on  by  an 
old  suspender  of  white  man's  manufacture. 

arms  of  the  cradle  arch  and  bound  to  them  with  sinew,  or  thong,  in  a  crude 
lattice  wrapped  weaving  (Figs.  2  and  10),  or  attached  by  a  coarse  lashing. 

The  hood,  or  shade  of  the  cradle,  is  constructed  of  splints  of  willow,  or 
other  pliable  twigs,  which  act  as  the  warp;  and  willow  bark  which  supplies 
the  weft.  This  interweaves  into  the  split  twigs  in  a  twilled  weaving  of  over 
two,  under  two,  and  in  a  design  quite  similar  to  that  on  mattings  (Fig.  10), 
in  zigzag  lines,  or  in  graduated  squares,  as  on  plaited  mats  and  baskets 
(Fig.  15b).  The  Mohave  Indians  attach  feathers  and  bits  of  bright 
flannel  to  the  cradle  hood,  contrary  to  the  Papago  and  Pima  who  leave 
them  undecorated  other  than  the  design  of  the  wickerwork.  The  mattress, 
to  protect  the  infant  from  the  cross  rounds,  is  of  willow  bark  or  wads  of 
cloth.  The  present-day  straps  for  holding  the  infant  securely  to  its  cradle, 
are  of  plaited  cloth  strips,  plain  cloth  strips,  or  old  suspenders  (Fig.  10). 


1 50  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  [Vol.  XVIIr 


PLAITING. 

One  of  the  simplest,  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  important  basketry  tech 
nics  of  these  tribes  is  plaiting,  which  is  represented  by  a  single  variety,  that 
of  twilled  plaiting  with  oblique  elements  only.  The  technic  here  is  of  equal 
rank  with  coiling,  as  one  of  the  two  most  utilized,  since  articles  of  this  con 
struction  enter  largely  into  the  economy  of  both  the  Papago  and  Pima  house 
holds.  It  provides  mats  upon  which  to  sleep,  to  eat,  and  to  dry  grains, 
beans,  peppers,  and  other  vegetables;  headrings,  for  carrying  the  olla  and 
the  large  basket  bowl;  the  headband  and  back  mat  for  the  kiaha;  cylindri 
cal  baskets  for  holding  trinkets,  clothing,  and  foodstuffs;  and  rectangular 
baskets  for  medicine  and  magic  to  drive  away  the  evil  spirits. 

Mattings  from  peoples  of  lower  culture  in  different  parts  of  the  world 
vary  in  technic,  but  the  most  common  construction  is  that  of  plaiting,  either 
with  vertical  and  horizontal  elements,  or  with  oblique  elements.  Pima  and 
Papago  matting,  as  before  mentioned,  is  of  twilled  plaiting  of  the  oblique 
variety,  constructed  of  two  series  of  parallel  strips  crossing  each  other  at 
right  angles.  The  strips  of  both  series  are  of  equal  width  and  pliability, 
and  contrary  to  the  weaving  technic,  both  series  of  elements  are  active, 
moving  over  and  under  each  other  with  equal  ease.  Neither  is  there  a 
definite  direction  to  the  technic,  as  in  weaving  and  coiling,  since  the  elements 
can  plait  in  any,  or  in  all  of  the  four  directions,  which  the  worker  may  desire. 
The  movement  on  most  of  these  mattings  is  in  one  rhythm  or  count  through 
out,  each  element  passing  with  one  move  over  three  and  under  three  elements 
of  the  opposite  series,  with  an  advance  of  one  element  as  each  new  leaf  strip 
is  added.  The  rhythm  on  the  old  Pima  matting  seen  in  Fig.  12,  is  an  over 
two  under  two  movement,  while  other  less  common  arrangements  may  be 
noted  under  matting  designs. 

Palmea  (Dasylirion  Wheeleri)  is  the  plant  from  the  rocky  foothills  which 
supplies  the  Papago  material  for  plaiting.  Its  growth  is  similar  to  the 
Spanish  bayonet,  with  long  light  green  thorny-edged  leaves  arranged 
about  a  thick  central  stem.  The  leaf  of  the  palmea  is  the  useful  part  of 
the  plant  for  plaiting,  and  is  in  perfect  condition  to  be  gathered  at  any 
time  of  the  year.  Its  harsh  spiny  edge  makes  it  difficult  to  collect,  necessi 
tating  the  use  of  a  stick  for  breaking  off  the  leaf;  so  that  for  the  gathering, 
the  women  travel  afoot  armed  with  long  sticks  for  severing  the  leaves. 
When  a  sufficient  number  has  been  secured,  they  are  carried  home  in  bundles 
on  the  head,  or  in  the  kiaha  carrying  frame  on  the  back.  On  reaching  their 
destination,  the  leaves  are  first  cleared  of  their  thorns  with  a  knife,  and  then 
split  lengthwise  through  the  center,  and  spread  on  the  ground  to  dry. 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pirna  Basketry. 


151 


152  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVI 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


153 


When  needed  for  plaiting,  the  dried  leaf  strips  are  first  buried  in  a  hole  in 
the  ground,  water  poured  over  them,  and  then  left  in  the  damp  earth  through 
the  night.  By  morning,  the  strips  have  become  slightly  dampened  through 
out  and  are  pliable  enough  to  plait  without  cracking. 

The  cane,  Phragmetis  communis,  was  the  river  plant  which  served  the 


Fig.  13.     Method  of  Mat  Plaiting. 

Pima  for  plaiting  in  times  past  before  the  headwaters  of  their  streams  were 
diverted,  and  the  rivers  deprived  of  water.  In  consequence,  Phragmetis 
no  longer  grows  along  the  rivers,  but  in  former  times  its  hollow  stem  was 
found  most  valuable  for  the  construction  of  mattings.  These  plants  were 
cut  down  with  large  knives  from  land  near  the  streams,  carried  home,  and 


154 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


the  stems  dried  and  stored  away  for  future  use,  but  before  plaiting  the 
hollow  stems  were  split  lengthwise  with  the  thumb  nail,  and  then  spread 
flat. 

When  the  worker  is  ready  to  begin  plaiting  a  mat,  a  few  of  the  dampened 
leaf  strips  which  have  been  moistened  over  night  are  brought  from  the 
pit,  but  only  a  few  at  one  time  since  they  dry  rapidly  in  the  open  air.  She 
then  spreads  a  mat  or  a  square  of  canvas  on  the  ground  upon  which  to  work, 


Fig.  14.     Edge  Making:    a,  beginning  of  a  double  edge;   b,  inside  of  completed  double 
edge;  c,  outside  of  completed  double  edge;  d,  single  edge. 

and  seats  herself  well  to  the  edge  with  most  of  the  mat  in  front  of  her.  Upon 
this  she  lays  her  first  six  leaf  strips  in  two  parallel  series  of  three  strips  each 
so  that  they  cross  each  other  at  right  angles.  Each  strip  of  the  lower  series 
is  then  brought  up  one  after  the  other  through  the  upper  series  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  form  three  successive  steps,  as  seen  in  Fig.  13a.  The  two 
groups  of  elements  must  be  held  in  an  oblique  position  to  the  worker  through 
out  the  plaiting,  one  series  trending  diagonally  to  the  upper  right,  and  the 
other  diagonally  toward  the  upper  left.  She  adds  new  strips  only  to  the 


Kissell,  Papogo  and  Pima  Basketry. 


155 


Fig.  15  (50.1-5229,  50.1-5208).     Design  Units  Common  in  Plaiting,  Papago. 


156  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

farther  or  upper  sides  of  the  mat  that  they  may  be  more  easily  crowded 
toward  her  for  a  closely  fitting  surface,  and  when  more  are  needed  on  the 
near  side,  she  turns  the  mat  around  bringing  the  far  sides  nearest  her,  but 
in  every  case  the  elements  remain  in  an  oblique  position.  Three  new  strips 
are  always  added  at  one  time,  as  in  the  illustration  here,  where  the  first  three 
are  laid  to  the  upper  right  and  then  plaited  in  the  manner  already  described 
(Fig.  13a),  by  being  brought  up  through  the  series  already  in  use,  to  continue 
the  step  series  already  begun  (Fig.  13b).  Another  group  of  three  strips 
is  added  to  the  upper  left  and  so  placed  as  to  hold  to  the  plan  (Fig.  13c), 
when  they  are  plaited  according  to  the  regular  rhythm  (Fig.  13d).  So  the 
process  continues  as  each  set  of  three  strands  is  added,  when  the  three  are 
plaited  in.  When  splicing  is  necessary  to  lengthen  a  strand,  a  new  strip  is 
lapped  for  a  few  inches  over  the  old  strand ;  and  when  the  inconvenience  of 
reaching  the  spot  where  the  plaiting  is  in  process  is  experienced,  as  the  mat 
grows  larger,  the  worker  moves  on  to  the  finished  portion,  and  continues 
plaiting  from  there. 

When  the  mat  has  reached  the  proposed  size,  it  may  be  finished  with 
either  of  two  edges.  The  double  edge  is  most  common  on  mattings,  and 
is  made  by  bending  one  series  of  parallel  elements  to  the  front  and  downward 
and  interplaiting  them  into  the  body  plaiting  on  the  front  of  the  mat,  and 
turning  the  second  series  to  the  back  and  downward  and  interplaiting  them 
into  the  body  plaiting  on  the  back  of  the  mat.  More  definitely,  each 
element  of  the  series  trending  toward  the  upper  right  is  bent  at  the  edge  of 
the  plaiting  to  the  front,  and  turned  obliquely  to  the  lower  right,  at  an  angle 
of  ninety  degrees,  and  then  interplaited  for  a  short  distance  into  the  body 
plaiting  (Fig.  14a),  and  trimmed  off  (Fig.  14b).  The  mat  is  then  turned 
over,  when  the  second  series  which  trended  toward  the  upper  left,  now 
extends  toward  the  upper  right.  These  are  bent  and  interplaited  as  were 
the  elements  of  the  first  series  (Fig.  14a),  making  the  finished  double  edge 
(Fig.  14c).  If  during  interplaiting,  the  elements  do  not  slip  easily  into  the 
plaiting,  a  sharp  stick  is  used  to  lift  the  strands,  that  those  forming  the  edge 
may  pass  under  more  easily.  The  single  edge  is  less  frequent  on  mattings 
than-  the  double.  It  is  made  by  treating  the  first  series  of  elements  as  in 
double  edge  making  (Fig.  14a,  b),  and  then  clipping  the  second  series  of 
elements  short  at  the  edge  of  the  mat  (Fig.  14d). 

Design  on  twill  plaiting  is  more  largely  influenced  by  technic  than  is 
the  design  on  any  other  style  of  basketry.  In  its  simplest  varieties,  such  as 
are  found  here,  the  design  appears  to  be  a  result  of  a  play  with  the  material, 
and  this  play  resolves  itself  into  several  rhythmic  arrangements.  As 
before  mentioned,  the  regular  movement  of  the  technic  over  three  and  under 
three,  or  over  two  and  under  two,  is  a  result  of  the  most  economic  use  of 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  157 

palmea  leaf  strips  and  cane  stems;  but  this  movement  is  also  of  esthetic 
value  as  it  cuts  the  surface  of  the  matting  into  small  equal  sized  rectangular 
units  of  design.  Different  arrangements  of  these  design  units  give  three 
distinct  styles  of  pattern:  an  arrangement  of  parallel  bands  running  in  one 
direction  Fig.  12;  another  of  parallel  bands  perpendicular  to  each  other, 
part  horizontal  and  part  vertical  (Fig.  15a);  and  still  a  third  of  parallel 
bands  arranged  in  squares,  a  large  square  composed  of  smaller  graduated 
squares  (Fig.  15b).  The  grouping  of  these  larger  squares  is  always  a  vertical 
or  a  horizontal  one,  forming  a  pattern  of  squares  one  above  the  other,  or 
beside  the  other. 

In  addition  to  the  influence  of  technic  on  matting  design,  there  is  still 
another,  the  influence  of  material.  Matting  materials  in  this  locality  are 
not  strong  enough  to  be  serviceable  in  narrow  strips,  and  wide  strips  of 
necessity  produce  a  plaiting  which  does  not  admit  of  many  changes  in 
rhythm  without  weakening  the  matting.  More  elaborate  twillings,  such 
as  those  found  in  the  land  of  the  bamboo,  are  constructed  of  material  which 
is  tough  enough  to  be  used  in  very  narrow  strands,  capable  of  spanning  long 
stretches  of  a  number  of  opposing  elements,  as  well  as  a  few,  and  so  allow 
for  great  variety  in  design  on  a  plaiting  which  also  is  strong. 

Fewer  mats  are  now  found  on  the  dirt  floors  of  the  one-room  Pima  hut 
than  formerly,  as  old  customs  are  fast  dying  out.  The  Papago  homes, 
however,  are  still  plentifully  furnished  with  plaited  mats  of  the  light  green 
palmea,  which  turns  to  a  yellowish  green  with  age.  At  times,  the  floor  is 
completely  covered  with  them,  especially  if  the  family  is  large,  but  two  or 
three  are  quite  sufficient  for  the  floor  space  of  the  average  hut.  More  fre 
quently  one  mat  only  is  used,  and  that  is  placed  either  in  a  corner,  or  at  one 
end  of  the  hut.  These  serve  mostly  as  sleeping  mats,  upon  which  the  blank 
ets  are  laid  at  night  to  lift  the  sleeper  from  the  dirt  floor.  In  the  neater 
homes,  the  blankets  are  folded  through  the  day,  thus  leaving  the  mats  free 
as  a  place  to  sit.  In  other  huts,  the  mats  are  not  left  on  the  floor  during  the 
day,  but  rolled  up  and  stood  on  end  in  the  corner,  ready  to  be  unrolled  and 
spread  with  the  blankets  when  night  approaches.  The  primary  use  of  these 
mats  is  for  sleeping,  but  smaller  ones  are  utilized  for  eating  mats  (Fig.  11), 
as  is  easily  recognized  by  the  food  spots  which  stain  them.  Eating  mats 
serve  another  purpose  during  the  season  for  drying  foodstuffs,  when  peppers, 
beans,  corn,  or  wheat  are  spread  upon  them  to  dry  in  the  sunshine,  although 
the  modern  square  of  sacking  is  at  times  substituted  for  this. 

In  shape,  the  mats  of  both  tribes  are  rectangular,  either  oblong,  or 
square,  with  rounding  corners.  The  more  general  oblong  form  is  varied 
in  its  proportions  to  fit  the  need,  but  the  width  is  seldom  less  than  half  the 
length.  Within  some  Papago  households  more  than  in  others,  an  atmos- 


158  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII,. 

phere  of  abundance  pervades,  when  the  mats  take  on  larger  dimensions,  even 
reaching  2.4  m.  by  1.3  m.  and  2  m.  by  1.7  m. ;  although  1.8  m.  by  1.3  m.  for 
the  sleeping  mat,  and  1  m.  by  1  m.  for  the  eating  mat  are  more  usual  sizes. 

An  additional  matting  to  those  which  serve  for  sleeping  and  eating  is  the 
small  back  mat  made  for  the  kiaha  carrying  frame.  This  protects  the  head 
and  shoulders  from  the  heavy  load  during  transportation  (Fig.  80a),  as  it  is 
attached  to  the  front  of  the  kiaha  and  comes  between  the  woman's  back 
and  her  load.  Its  upper  corners  are  tied  to  the  wooden  rim  of  the  kiaha, 
its  lower  end  is  secured  by  the  two  long  poles  of  the  framework,  which  pass 
through  an  opening  near  the  edge.  Just  above  this  opening  is  the  spot 
where  the  lower  ends  of  the  four  poles  of  the  kiaha  framework  cross,  making 
an  ugly  bunch,  which  would  prove  very  uncomfortable  to  the  carrier,  were 
it  not  for  the  back  mat,  and  the  roll  of  shredded  bark,  or  cloth,  slipped  in  at 
this  point  to  serve  as  a  padding  between  the  mat  and  the  frame.  This 
padding  lifts  from  the  back  the  hard  poles  of  the  frame  at  their  point  of 
crossing,  where  the  load  rests  most  heavily  upon  the  shoulders. 

These  mats  are  oblong  in  shape  with  oval  corners,  and  have  a  break,  or 
opening,  near  the  lower  edge  for  the  insertion  of  the  two  front  frame  poles 
which  extend  some  distance  below  the  point  of  the  kiaha.  The  size  of  the 
mat  varies  in  woman's  and  girl's  kiahas  to  fit  the  larger  and  smaller  shapes, 
that  of  the  woman  averaging  from  60  cm.  to  70  cm.  in  length  and  from  24  cm. 
to  28  cm.  in  width,  since  it  must  fit  in  length,  the  distance  between  the  rim 
of  the  kiaha  and  its  point;  and  in  width,  the  space  between  the  two  poles 
half  way  down  from  the  rim,  or  the  point  where  the  headband  is  attached. 
The  material  for  the  back  mat,  like  that  for  matting,  is  the  dried  leaf  strips 
of  the  palmea,  whose  gathering  and  preparation  was  previously  described. 
The  technic  is  plaiting  of  the  twilled  type,  with  diagonal  elements,  and  as  in 
larger  mattings  it  is  of  three  varieties  of  twilled  plaiting  in  over  three  and 
under  three  rhythm,  arranged  in  bands  of  vertical  parallels;  in  com 
bined  bands  of  vertical  and  horizontal  parallels;  and  in  squares  composed 
of  smaller  squares.  The  edge  like  that  on  large  mattings  is  of  the  double 
type,  whose  method  of  making  has  already  been  given. 

Plaiting  supplies  the  kiaha  with  another  essential  part,  the  headband, 
or  the  support  for  the  carrying  basket.  This  is  a  narrow  double  band  which 
passes  over  the  head  to  hold  the  load  securely  on  the  back  and  shoulders  of 
the  carrier.  In  reality,  it  is  a  long  narrow  mat  wTith  its  ends  joined  to  form 
a  ring,  and  then  flattened  into  a  double  band  about  7  cm.  wide  and  35  cm. 
long.  It  is  very  short,  but  a  rope  extension  lengthens  it,  and  attaches  it  to 
the  kiaha  at  its  two  ends  by  passing  in  a  double  line  under  the  front  poles  of 
the  kiaha  frame,  then  down  and  around  the  four  crossed  poles  below  the 
kiaha  point.  The  process  of  making  the  headband  will  be  described  later. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  159 

Aside  from  flat  mattings  the  Papago  plait  cylindrical  and  rectangular 
forms,  one  of  which  is  the  circular  headring,  Nothing  is  more  helpful  to  the 
Indian  woman  for  carrying  loads  on  the  head  than  this  small  ring  about 
4  cm.  or  5  cm.  in  diameter,  since  she  must  bring  from  the  village  well  all  the 
water  for  washing,  cooking,  and  drinking;  from  the  neighboring  fields,  grains, 
beans,  peppers,  squashes,  and  other  vegetables;  and  from  the  distant  foot 
hills  the  favorite  cactus  fruit.  She  carries  these  at  times  in  the  kiaha  on 
her  back,  but  quite  frequently  on  the  head,  the  water  in  an  earthen  olla,  or 
the  more  modern  rectangular  three  gallon  varnish  can,  and  the  foodstuffs 
in  a  basket  bowl.  When  carrying  these  loads,  she  places  the  little  head- 
ring  on  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  the  load  on  top  of  it,  for  it  acts  as  a 
soft  pad  between  the  load  and  the  head,  and  also  steadies  the  basket,  or 
olla,  if  it  have  a  curved  base.  A  woman  so  laden  is  a  pretty  sight  as  she 
steps  along  with  easy  gait  and  erect  carriage,  balancing,  without  the  aid  of 
her  hands,  the  great  weight  upon  her  well-poised  head,  for  it  is  this  practice 
of  transporting  burdens  upon  the  head  which  has  given  her  that  grace  of 
bearing  which  well  befits  a  queen. 

The  basket  headring,  like  matting,  is  a  twilled  plaiting  of  palmea  (DaSy- 
lerion  Wheeleri)  leaf  strips,  but  the  rhythm  of  the  plaiting  never  varies  from 
a  regular  over  two  and  under  two  movement.  Its  beginning  is  a  small  mat 
made  on  the  ground  with  two  series  of  equal  width  leaf  strips  placed  diago 
nally  in  front  of  the  worker.  In  starting  the  headring  the  two  series  of  three 
strips  each,  are  laid  so  as  to  cross  each  other  at  right  angles  near  their  central 
point,  when  the  three  strips  of  the  lower  series  are  brought  up  through  the 
upper  series  as  in  beginning  the  sleeping  mat  (Fig.  16a).  The  next  move  in 
ring  plaiting,  however,  does  not  proceed  as  in  mat  making,  for  at  this  stage 
the  edge  finish  is  begun.  For  this,  the  upper  end  of  the  lower  left-hand 
strip  is  bent  toward  the  upper  right  at  an  angle  of  ninety  degrees  and  lies 
just  above  the  upper  left-hand  strip  (Fig.  16b).  Three  new  elements  are 
then  added  on  the  upper  right,  and  so  placed  as  to  hold  to  the  regular  step 
series  of  the  beginning  (Fig.  16c).  These  are  then  plaited  in  regular  rhythm, 
over  two  and  under  two  (Fig.  16d),  when  the  three  are  bent  to  the  upper 
right  at  an  angle  of  ninety  degrees  and  plaited  into  the  opposing  strips 
(Fig.  16e).  This  process  continues  until  the  finished  edge  of  the  mat  is  the 
length  of  the  proposed  circumference  of  the  completed  ring. 

When  the  little  mat  has  reached  this  stage  (Fig.  17),  the  woman  lifts  it 
into  her  lap  and  bends  it  into  ring  shape,  so  that  the  loose  ends  at  the  right 
and  left  of  the  finished  edge  come  together.  These  ends  are  then  plaited  to 
form  a  cylindrical  shape  (Fig.  18).  The  plaiting  then  continues  upward 
until  the  cylinder  is  about  three  times  the  proposed  height  of  the  finished 
ring,  when  each  strip  of  the  series  of  elements  trending  toward  the  upper  right 


160  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


Fig.  16.     Method  of  Plaiting  the  Headring. 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


161 


w   , 


ffl 

n4 


162  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVI] 


Fig.  18  (50.1-5224).     Further  Plaiting  on  Cylindrical  Form. 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


163 


Fig.   19   (50.1-5225,  5226).     a,  Cylindrical  Form  completed,  ready  for  trimming  off 
Ends;   6,  Completed  Headring  made  by  folding  the  Cylindrical  Form. 


164  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII , 

is  bent  at  right  angles  and  plaited  into  the  body  plaiting  (Fig.  19a,  Fig.  14a) 
and  then  trimmed  off  (Fig.  14b) ;  while  the  second  series  of  elements,  those 
trending  toward  the  upper  left,  are  cut  short  at  the  upper  edge  (Fig.  14d). 
The  work  is  still  damp  enough  to  fold  without  cracking  into  the  finished 
ring,  which  is  done  by  creasing  the  tall  cylindrical  shape  into  three  over 
lapping  folds.  A  thin  leaf  strip  is  then  either  tied  about  the  middle  of  the 
ring  or  bound  about  its  edges  to  hold  it  in  shape  when  heavy  loads  are  car 
ried  (Fig.  19b). 

The  material  for  making  the  kiaha  headband,  already  mentioned,  is 
palmea  (Dasylerion  WJieeleri),  the  usual  plaiting  material  of  the  Papago; 
the  technic  employed  is  twilled  plaiting  in  rhythm  of  over  two  and  under 
two.  It  is  begun  as  the  headring  (Fig.  16),  but  with  nine  or  ten  strips  only, 
since  this  number  is  sufficient  for  the  narrow  width  of  the  band,  as  they  are 
bent  back  and  forth,  in  plaiting  from  edge  to  edge  (Fig.  20).  More  defi- 


Fig.  20  (50.1-5230).     Detail  of  Kiaha  Headband. 

nitely,  after  completing  the  interlacing,  as  in  making  the  headring,  the 
plaiting  continues  toward  the  right  until  the  desired  width  is  attained. 
Each  strip  trending  toward  the  upper  right  is  then  bent  toward  the  uppei 
left  at  an  angle  of  ninety  degrees,  thus  forming  an  edge  on  the  right,  similai 
to  the  edge  on  the  left,  for  like  a  braid,  the  two  edges  are  finished  with  the 
plaiting  of  the  strips  diagonally  back  and  forth  across  the  band  as  the  work 
progresses.  When  it  has  reached  twice  the  proposed  length  of  the  finished 
band,  its  ends  are  brought  together  in  ring  shape  and  joined  by  interplait- 
ing  as  in  the  headring  (Fig.  18).  This  ring  folded  flat  is  the  completed 
headband,  which  is  attached  to  the  kiaha,  as  above  described. 

Cylindrical  and  rectangular  basket  shapes  are  also  plaited  by  the  Papago 
although  for  light  use  only,  since  they  are  not  particularly  substantial 
Palmea  leaf  strips  make  a  basket  of  more  or  less  irregularity  of  outline  and 
one  so  quickly  and  easily  plaited  that  it  is  not  so  highly  prized  as  is  the  more 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  165 

perfect  and  laboriously  made  coiled  ware.  Plaited  baskets  serve  two  func 
tions,  both  utilitarian :  one,  to  meet  a  domestic  need  in  general  household 
affairs;  the  second,  to  serve  as  a  case  to  enclose  ceremonial  objects.  House 
hold  baskets  contain  trinkets,  sewing  articles,  clothing,  grain,  fine  seeds, 
and  various  odds  and  ends ;  ceremonial  baskets  enclose  the  numerous  medi 
cines  of  the  medicineman  or  woman,  for  doctoring  the  sick  and  regulating 
the  weather,  besides  holding  the  little  bags  of  paint  employed  in  decorating 
the  face  and  body  at  ceremonial  dances. 

The  two  distinct  uses  of  plaited  baskets  call  for  special  shapes  to  fit  the 
dissimilarity  in  contents,  so  that  baskets  for  household  use  are  cylindrical 
in  form  on  a  square  base,  with  at  times  a  square-topped  overlapping  cover 
(Fig.  21).  Although  in  general  outline  the  baskets  hold  to  the  cylindrical 
form,  they  often  vary  slightly  from  the  true  cylinder  by  a  gradual  drawing 
in  towards  the  rim  (Fig.  21),  or  this  contraction  may  be  followed  by  an 
outward  curve  at  the  immediate  edge  (Figs.  22  and  24).  The  shapes  vary 
considerably  in  proportion  as  some  are  of  greater  width  than  height,  others 
of  greater  height  than  width,  and  still  others  are  of  equal  proportion  (Fig. 
21).  The  sizes  also  cover  quite  a  range,  as  the  dimensions  vary  from  11  cm. 
to  40  cm. 

The  technic  is  twill  plaiting  in  the  rhythm  of  over  three  under  three, 
and  so  constructed  as  to  form  parallel  bands  arranged  horizontally,  verti 
cally,  and  in  graduated  squares  (see  matting  design).  The  bases  are  of 
two  styles:  (a)  the  more  usual,  broken  by  parallel  lines  of  equal  width 
arranged  in  graduated  squares  (Figs,  lob  and  23);  and  (b)  the  less  common 
cut  through  the  center  by  a  vertical  cross  (Figs,  loa  and  24).  The  walls  of 
the  baskets  with  base  (a)  are  so  constructed  that  the  plaiting  results  in 
parallel  bands  arranged  horizontally  encircling  the  basket  (Figs.  22) ;  while 
those  with  base  (b)  are  so  plaited  as  to  result  in  parallel  bands  running 
vertically,  although  often  these  vertical  bands  do  not  extend  to  the  rim 
of  the  basket,  but  are  broken  by  horizontal  lines  (Fig.  21).  When  the 
base  is  completed  and  the  wall  is  to  be  begun,  no  additional  strips  are  added, 
but  instead  the  adjacent  strips  at  each  corner  are  drawn  close  together  and 
plaited  into  each  other  (Fig.  25).  The  basket  edges  are  all  single,  as 
described  under  mattings.  An  extra  bit  of  ornament  is  occasionally  con 
structed  with  the  edge  elements,  as  in  Fig.  24,  which  after  having  been 
plaited  into  the  body  plaiting  are  not  cut  short,  as  is  the  usual  custom,  but 
turned  diagonally  toward  the  upper  left  and  caught  under  the  plaiting. 

For  ceremonial  purposes,  the  Papago  make  use  of  the  trunk-shaped 
basket  with  a  deep  overlapping  cover,  for  in  this  little  trunk  they  place  the 
medicines,  paints,  etc.  It  is  made  particularly  for  this  function,  and  all 
the  medicine  baskets  seen  on  the  expedition  had  been  made  by  the  wives, 


166 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVI 


Fig.  21  (50.1-5278).     Plaited  Basket  with  Cover,  Pima. 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


167 


Fig.  22  (50.1-5118).     Open  Plaited  Basket,  Papago. 


Fig.  23  (50.1-5118).     Base  of  Open  Plaited  Basket  shown  in  Fig.  22. 


168  Anthropological  Pdpers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVI 


Fig.  24  (50.1-5229).     Open  Plaited  Basket  and  Base,  Papago. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  169 

or  the  mothers  of  the  medicinemen;  or  by  the  medicine  women  themselves. 
Information  was  not  obtained  as  to  whether  other  people  were  allowed  to 
make  them,  or  whether  the  construction  was  conducted  under  different 
conditions  than  those  during  the  making  of  an  ordinary  household  basket. 
From  the  oblong  base  are  erected  vertical  walls  for  the  body;  while  from  a 
slightly  larger  oblong  top  are  dropped  vertical  walls  about  two-thirds  the 
height  of  the  basket,  for  a  cover.  This  ample  overlapping  cover  is  usually 
tightly  tied  on  with  a  string  about  the  center,  which  tends  to  give  a  sag  to 
the  middle  after  short  use  (Fig.  26).  These  trunks  vary  in  proportion, 
some  are  long  and  slender,  others  are  short  and  broad,  but  their  ends  in 
most  cases  approximate  a  square.  The  sizes  run  from  13  cm.  to  86  cm.  in 
length;  7  cm.  to  15  cm.  in  height;  and  4  cm.  to  21  cm.  in  depth. 


Fig.  25  (50.1-5228).     Method  of  Plaiting  Basket  Corner. 

The  technic  of  the  base  is  twilled  plaiting  in  parallel  bands  of  over  three 
and  under  three  rhythm;  the  walls  are  in  encircling  horizontal  bands  of 
the  same  rhythm;  and  the  cover  is  like  the  body  of  the  basket  turned 
upside  down.  Very  occasionally  the  base  and  the  top  of  the  cover  are  so 
plaited  as  to  form  two  or  three  squares  placed  side  by  side,  each  enclosing 
smaller  graduated  forms  of  the  same  shape,  such  as  that  in  Fig.  15b.  The 
manipulation  of  the  strips  to  form  the  corners  is  the  same  as  when  making 
the  corners  of  the  cylindrical  household  basket,  and  the  finish  of  the  basket 
is  the  single  edge.  ?|J 

The  Museum  secured  on  the  expedition  six  medicine  baskets  belonging 
to  medicinemen  and  women  of  four  Papago  villages.  To  these  men  and 
women  are  entrusted  the  welfare  of  each  particular  village,  for  the  Papago 
believe  in  their  supernatural  power  to  disperse  evil  spirits  which  have  entered 


1 70  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  X 


mi- 


Fig.  26  (50.1-5165).     Medicine  Basket  containing  a  Little  Effigy  used  to  prevent  At 
by  the  Apache. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  171 

into  people  and  caused  sickness,  and  into  natural  phenomena  and  caused 
disturbances;  and  also  that  aided  by  articles  of  magic,  such  as  are  found 
in  these  medicine  baskets,  together  with  proper  ceremonials,  the  medicine 
men  and  women  have  the  power  to  avert  all  evils  and  invoke  all  prosperity. 

A  medicineman's  rain-basket  with  its  contents  was  obtained  from  the 
village  of  Covered  Wells.  In  it  are  (a)  turkey  feathers  which,  with  proper 
chants,  bring  rain;  (b)  three  sticks  of  a  long  stemmed  bush  with  stickers, 
such  as  cat's  claw,  each  representing  a  year  the  medicineman  has  practised, 
and  which,  with  prayer  chants,  cause  rain  and  also  cure  rheumatism;  (c)  a 
stem  of  the  shrub  ash  tree  with  an  attached  buzzard  feather,  for  emergency 
cases  when  there  is  great  need  for  rain  and  the  preceding  charms  have  proved 
ineffectual ;  (d)  chicken-hawk  feathers,  which,  when  all  previous  attempts  to 
produce  rain  have  failed,  serve  as  a  desperate  call  for  rain  for  the  village,  and 
water  and  food  for  the  children;  (e)  deer  tail,  a  cure  for  headache  and  also 
for  fever;  and  (f)  extra  feathers. 

A  medicine  woman's  rain  basket  was  obtained  at  Little  Tucson,  for 
although  ceremonial  curing  is  more  generally  practised  by  men,  there  are 
also  medicine  women.  The  contents  include  (a)  feathers  for  painting  the 
body  on  ceremonial  occasions;  (b)  three  rain-sticks,  indicating  the  woman 
had  been  a  medicine  woman  three  years,  and  which  with  incantations  and 
rhythmic  beatings  upon  the  basket  drum  give  rain;  (c)  a  stick  with  eagle 
feather,  to  call  forth  rain;  (d)  a  tail  for  curing  human  illness;  and  (e)  extra 
loose  feathers. 

Fig.  26  represents  a  medicine  basket  obtained  from  the  medicineman  at 
Santa  Rosa  village.  It  contains  the  magic  to  protect  the  Papago  from  the 
Apache  whom  they  feared  greatly:  (a)  a  little  Apache  effigy  with  head  of 
wax  and  body  of  string  and  eagle  feathers;  (b)  a  small  skin  bag  with  fringed 
edge,  in  which  to  encase  the  effigy  when  not  in  use;  and  (c)  some  additional 
loose  feathers. 

Another  medicine  basket  was  procured  from  the  medicine  woman  of 
Little  Tucson,  from  whom  the  rain  basket  described  above  was  also  obtained. 
The  purpose  of  its  medicine  is  for  protecting  an  infant  from  being  appro 
priated  by  evil  spirits,  for  when  (a)  the  bits  of  white  clay,  done  up  in  the 
small  cotton  rag,  are  unwrapped,  ground  in  (b)  the  shell,  and  given  to  the 
infant,  the  evil  spirits  will  flee.  The  powdered  clay  is  administered  when 
the  child  is  about  three  days  old,  'and  at  the  same  time  some  of  it  is  given 
to  the  parents  as  well.  This  white  clay  is  also  dispensed  to  young  girls  as 
efficacious  in  protecting  them  and  dispersing  all  evil  spirits.  Within  the 
basket  is  another  very  small  empty  one,  with  no  other  significance  than 
that  it  was  the  first  medicine  basket  this  medicine  woman  made. 

A  medicineman's  basket  from  San  Xavier  contains  a  turtle  shell,  which 


172  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII 

has  been  converted  into  a  rattle.  The  magic  of  this  charm  had  served  thre< 
generations  of  medicinemen,  for  it  had  been  used  by  the  grandfather,  anc 
in  turn  the  father  of  the  medicineman  from  whom  it  was  procured.  Th< 
turtle  had  been  secured  by  the  grandfather,  who  cut  off  its  head  and  legs 
and  left  the  shell  for  ants  to  clear,  before  converting  it  into  a  rattle.  It: 
efficacy  lies  in  its  power  over  sickness  caused  by  the  turtle,  such  as  rheuma 
tism  and  diseases  of  old  age. 

A  medicine  basket  also  from  San  Xavier,  although  the  basket,  or  th< 
case  for  the  medicine,  was  not  made  there  but  in  Santa  Rosa,  contains  ow 
feathers  which  have  the  mastery  over  certain  secret  forces  in  nature,  mor< 
particularly  in  this  case  over  sickness  and  distress  due  to  the  owl,  the  chie 
among  which  is  fever. 

CRUbE  COILING. 

Another  very  simple  technic  found  among  the  Pima  is  styled  crude  coil 
since  it  is  the  crudest  type  of  coiling  in  existence.  Like  all  ware  of  thi; 
technic  it  is  built  spirally,  and  like  foundation  coil,  it  has  a  foundation  ele 
ment  which  is  united  into  a  solid  structure.  But  the  unique  thing  is  tha 
the  customary  two  elements,  a  foundation  and  a  uniting  agent,  which  ar< 
the  usual  components  of  foundation  coiling,  are  here  merged  in  one  elemen 
which  performs  the  work  of  both.  This  single  member  acts  as  a  solic 
foundation  spiral,  and  also  unites  its  own  adjacent  segments  (Fig.  27) 
The  constituent  parts  of  this  one  element  are  twigs  of  some  size,  which  arc 
added  singly  and  in  their  natural  state  still  bearing  smaller  twigs  anc 
leaves.  The  two  ends  of  the  twig  accomplish  the  uniting,  or  binding  pro 
cess,  for  their  stem  end  clutches  into  the  foundation  of  the  last  round  o 
coiling,  and  the  slender  leaf  end  secures  itself  by  winding  about  the  previous 
twig.  A  stem  end  is  first  inserted  on  the  outside  of  the  previous  segment  01 
coiling,  and  a  second  stem  end  is  thrust  in  on  the  inside  a  short  distance 
beyond  where  the  first  twig  entered  the  previous  coil.  The  continuation  o! 
this  simple  process  of  inserting  one  stem  on  the  outside,  and  the  next  on  the 
inside,  and  in  each  instance  winding  the  leaf  end  about  the  previous  twi^ 
completes  this  one-element  coiled  technic. 

Besides  disagreeing  with  other  coiling  of  these  people  in  the  number  o\ 
elements  which  it  employs,  crude  coil  also  differs  in  the  direction  of  thf 
movement  of  the  technic.  Coiling  with  two  elements  advances  from  righl 
to  left,  or  in  a  counter-clockwise  direction.  This  would  be  awkward  ir 
crude  coiling  so  we  find  the  technic  moving  from  left  to  right,  or  clockwise, 
as  is  natural  with  people  who  are  right-handed.  The  left  hand  holde 
securely  the  work  already  completed  while  the  right  is  free  to  do  the  in- 


1916.1  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  173 

serting  of  the  stem  ends  and  the  winding  of  the  leaf  ends  (Fig.  27).  Simple 
as  is  the  process  of  constructing  crude  coil,  far  from  simple  is  the  appearance 
of  the  finished  technic.  One  can  easily  see  by  Fig.  28,  how  completely 
obliterated  in  a  crude  mass  of  twig  stems  is  the  actual  process.  Solving  the 
enigma  of  its  construction  from  the  complicated  surface  of  the  finished 
technic  is  impossible,  for  when  the  leaves  have  dried  and  dropped,  the  tangle 
of  woody  stems  seem  to  have  grown  into  this  mass.  Only  after  watching 
an  Indian  making  the  coil,  or  by  tearing  the  technic  apart,  is  its  process 
discernible.  So  complex  is  its  appearance  that  one  ethnologist,  in  recording 
its  existence  among  neighboring  desert  tribes,  thus  speaks  of  baskets  con 
structed  with  this  technic :  "  These  granaries  can  be  called  baskets  only  by 
courtesy,  as  they  show  no  distinct  weave."  l  Dr.  Barrows,  however,  has 
looked  deeper  into  its  construction  in  baskets  from  the  Coahuilla,  and  calls 
it  "  a  coiled  technic  of  twisted  osier  withes."  2 

Granaries  of  crude  coiling  seem  to  have  had  quite  a  distribution  along 
the  streams  of  this  desert  quarter  before  white  men  disturbed  the  culture 
of  the  red  men.  They  have  been  found  in  the  cliff-dwelling  caves  of  south 
western  Colorado,  and  are  used  today  upon  the  roof  by  the  Pima  and  Co- 
copa,3  upon  platforms  by  the  Pima  and  Mohave,4  Coahuilla 3 ;  and  upon  the 
ground  by  the  Papago,  in  the  few  instances  found.  The  forms  of  these 
granaries  vary  but  slightly,  except  in  the  hive  shapes  of  the  Papago,  since 
they  hold  to  the  cylindrical  as  with  the  Mohave;  or  to  the  cylindrical  with 
a  spreading  toward  the  base  as  with  the  Coahuilla;  or  to  the  cylindrical 
with  a  spreading  toward  the  top  as  with  the  Pima. 

These  great  nest-shaped  structures,  roofed  with  overhanging  twigs, 
perched  upon  many  of  the  hut  roofs  are  a  novel  sight  to  the  traveler  as  he 
enters  a  Pima  village  (Fig.  29b),  although  very  occasionally  as  already  said, 
they  are  on  raised  platforms  (Fig.  30).  These  structures,  not  only  resemble 
a  huge  nest  in  form,  but  also  in  texture,  for  they  seem  put  together  much  as  a 
bird  builds  a  nest;  in  reality  they  are  immense  baskets,  termed  caches,  and 
constructed  of  the  coiling  previously  described,  the  crudest  coiled  basketry 
now  known.  They  are  baskets  for  storage,  for  the  preservation  of  the  crops 
of  wheat  and  corn,  as  well  as  mesquite  beans  in  the  pod.  To  reach  the 
granaries  on  the  roof  a  ladder  must  be  used,  and  it  stands  ready  at  all  times 
against  the  wall  of  the  hut.  The  women  must  climb  this  ladder  each  time 
the  family  needs  a  fresh  supply  of  grain  or  beans  and  also  in  time  of  harvest, 

1  Kroeber,  A.  L.,  "Ethnography  of  the  Coahuilla  Indians,"  University  of  California  Pub., 
Vol.  8,  No.  2,  June  1908,  42,  43. 

2  "  Ethno-Botany  of  the  Coahuilla  Indians  of  Southern  California,"  University  of  Chicago 
Press,  Chicago,  1900,  52,  53. 

3  Barrows,  ibid.,  52,  53. 
«  Kroeber,  ibid.,  42,  43. 


1 74  A  nthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [ Vol .  XVII, 


1916. 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


175 


Fig.  28.     Papago  Granary  of  Crude  Coiling,  (United  States  National  Museum  photo 
graph). 


1 76  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVI 


Fig.  29.      a  Old-time  Ladder  for  filling  Pima  Granary  on  House  Top;    6,  Storage  Hou 
with  Two  Granaries  and  Modern  Ladder. 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


177 


when  the  winter's  supply  is  hoisted  to  these  granaries  for  storage  upon  the 
hut  roof.  Present-day  ladders  have  the  two  upright  beams  of  small  cotton- 
wood  trunks,  with  rounds,  or  slats,  of  cactus  rib,  (Fig.  29b).  Old  ladders, 
numerous  throughout  the  Southwest  in  years  gone  by,  but  seldom  met  with 
now,  are  of  a  large  cottonwood  tree  trunk,  notched  for  steps  (Fig.  29a). 

For  making  this  rustic  technic,  the  Pima  and  Papago  find  growing  along 
the  few  streams  of  their  arid  land  the  slender,  pliable,  but  not  very  durable 
arro\vbush,  Plucea  borealis.  Its  stems  in  olden  davs  furnished  the  wood  for 


Pig.  30.     Granaries  on  Platforms. 

arro\vs,  and  at  the  present  time  builds  the  hut  of  the  Pima  as  well  as  this 
basket  granary  of  crude  coiling.  For  this  purpose  the  stem  of  the  arrowbush 
is  broken  near  the  ground  and  used  immediately  while  still  fresh  and  pliant. 
Since  that  section  of  Papagueria  which  is  in  Arizona  has  but  one  river, 
arrowbush  is  not  as  plentiful  as  with  the  Pima,  so  crude  coil  is  very  little 
practised,  and  when  it  is,  another  similar  material,  likewise  termed  "  shamt" 
is  frequently  employed.  For  the  same  technic  the  Coahuilla  use  willow,1 
the  Mohave  arrowbush.2 


1  Barrows,  ibid.,  52. 

2  Pacific  railroad  survey  itinerary,  p.  115. 


178  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

The  Pima  storage  bin  is  built  without  a  base  for  the  roof,  or  platform, 
upon  which  it  rests  usually  serves  this  purpose,  although  a  layer  of  arrow- 
bush  is  frequently  spread  on  the  spot  where  it  is  to  stand.  The  granary 
is  covered  with  a  roof,  slightly  raised  in  low  cone  shape  at  the  center  and 
gently  sloping  to  the  overhanging  rim.  Like  the  body,  its  roof  is  of  arrow- 
bush  twigs,  but  so  placed  as  to  radiate  from  the  center,  and  these  are  laid 
upon  a  square  of  cloth,  or  a  piece  of  old  grain  basket  of  coarse  coiling,  to 
keep  the  contents  free  from  dropping  leaves  of  the  arrowbush,  and  the  dirt 
which  is  piled  loosely  on  top  of  the  granary  cover.  Granaries  vary  consider 
ably  in  size,  but  the  average  height  is  from  40  cm.  to  50  cm.,  and  the  diameter 
about  1  m. 

The  Pima  nest-shaped  storage  basket  is  not  used  by  the  Papago.  The 
very  few  granaries  of  crude  coiling  made  by  them  are  shaped  like  a  hive, 
or  a  barrel  with  incurving  top  (Fig.  28) .  Its  base  is  usually  a  coiling  of  finer 
material :  willow,  cottonwood,  or  more  frequently  beargrass,  since  arrowbush 
is  too  stiff  a  material  to  work  into  the  close  rounds  of  the  circular  base. 
The  Papago  barrel-shaped  bin  is  never  found  on  the  hut  roof,  but  stands 
on  a  few  boards,  or  stones,  to  lift  it  from  the  ground;  neither  is  it  roofed 
over,  but  its  opening  is  covered  with  an  old  tray  basket,  or  a  piece  of  canvas. 
At  times,  it  reaches  the  height  of  a  man's  shoulder,  but  more  usually  is 
slightly  lower.  As  these  baskets  for  storage  are  always  found  out-of-doors, 
and  never  within  the  hut  or  the  storage  shed,  they  must  weather  the  climate, 
which  in  this  region,  however,  is  not  a  severe  one  except  for  heat,  wind,  and 
dirt.  Even  with  these  conditions  some  granaries  will  last  two  years,  but 
it  seems  a  more  frequent  custom  to  construct  a  new  one  each  twelve  months, 
and  this  is  not  a  laborious  task  as  one  can  be  easily  made  in  a  day. 

For  constructing  crude  coil,  no  tools  are  required  further  than  something 
for  cutting  down  the  material.  As  before  stated,  the  Pima  granary  is 
without  base,  so  that  the  first  coil  of  the  wall  will  be  the  beginning  of  the 
granary.  This  is  started  by  making  a  bundle  of  twigs  about  half  the  size 
of  a  man's  wrist  into  a  ring,  with  a  diameter  equal  to  that  of  the  proposed 
base.  The  bunch  of  twigs  forming  the  ring  are  bound  over  and  over  with  a 
slender  twig,  for  to  this  ring  will  be  attached  the  first  row  of  coiling,  since 
into  it  the  stem  ends  of  the  twigs  are  inserted.  First  the  stem  end  of  a 
twig  is  thrust  into  the  outside  of  the  ring  in  such  a  manner  that  the  stem  will 
follow  the  top  edge  of  the  ring,  with  its  leaf  end  pointing  toward  the  right. 
The  stem  end  of  a  second  twig  is  then  thrust  into  the  ring  on  the  inside 
about  two  inches  to  the  right  of  where  the  first  stem  end  entered  the  begin 
ning  ring,  with  its  leaf  end  pointing  to  the  right  as  before,  when  it  is  wrapped 
about  the  first  twig.  The  stem  end  of  a  third  twig  is  then  thrust  on  the 
outside  of  the  beginning  ring,  two  inches  to  the  right  of  the  point  where 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  179 

the  second  twig  entered  the  beginning  ring.  The  leaf  end  of  this  twig  points 
to  the  right,  and  wraps  about  the  first  and  second  twigs  which  by  this  time 
make  a  coil  of  some  size.  The  stem  end  of  the  fourth  twig  is  pushed  into 
the  beginning  ring  on  the  inside  and  its  leaf  end  wrapped  about  the  previ 
ously  twisted  twigs  (Fig.  27).  So  the  process  continues  until  there  remains 
no  more  space  on  the  beginning  ring  for  the  insertion  of  more  twig  ends, 
when  the  first  row  of  coiling  just  completed  must  serve  as  a  ring  for  the 
insertion  of  new  twigs.  The  stem  ends  are  pushed  into  this  as  before, 
alternating  first  one  on  the  outside  and  then  another  on  the  inside;  and  this 
continues  round  after  round,  until  the  granary  wall  has  reached  the  pro 
posed  height,  when  as  a  finish  the  last  leaf  end  is  bound  with  a  twig,  or  string, 
to  the  previous  row  of  coiling. 


COARSE  COILING. 

A  great  step  in  advance  over  the  last  unique  coiling  of  one  element  with  a 
double  function,  is  another  more  general  type  of  foundation  coil  which  is 
practised  by  both  Papago  and  Pima.  It  is  a  coarse  coil  with  two  members: 
a  foundation  element,  or  passive  spiral;  and  a  binding  element,  or  active 
spiral  which  unites  the  segments  of  the  passive  foundation  (Figs.  31  to  33). 

The  direction  in  the  movement  of  the  technic,  that  of  the  foundation 
and  its  accompanying  binder,  differs  from  crude  coil,  since  it  moves  toward 
the  left,  or  counter-clockwise.  This  is  the  natural  movement  for  coiling 
of  two  elements  with  multiple  foundation,  for  right-handed  people,  since 
the  left  hand  supplies  fresh  material  for  the  foundation,  and  also  holds  it 
in  place  while  the  right  manipulates  the  binding  element  by  passing  it 
toward  the  left  over  the  already  prepared  foundation.  Both  tribes  work 
baskets  from  the  outside,  as  well  as  from  the  inside,  depending  entirely 
upon  which  surface  they  wish  to  give  the  smoother  finish,  so  that  before 
determining  the  direction  of  a  technic  it  is  necessary  to  find  the  right  side 
of  the  technic. 

In  addition  to  the  general  movement  of  both  foundation  and  binder 
in  the  large  spiral  about  the  basket,  the  binding  element  has  a  secondary 
movement  which  unites  the  adjacent  rounds  of  the  technic  by  means  of  a 
smaller  spiral.  This  smaller  secondary  spiral  moves  about  the  foundation 
coil  in  process  and  punctures  the  upper  edge  of  the  foundation  coil  in  the 
previous  round,  binding  the  round  in  process  securely  to  it.  The  style  of 
this  smaller  spiral  designates  the  particular  type  of  coiling,  which  in  this 
case  is  a  plain  spiral  and  not  twisted,  interlaced,  or  looped  as  in  other  types ; 
.so  the  technic  is  termed  spiral  coiling  (Figs.  31-35).  The  segments  of  the 


180  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XV] 


Fig.  31  (50.1-5274,  5275).     Coarse  Coiling,  Pima:   a,  beginning;   b,  base. 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


181 


Fig.  32  (50.1-5276).     Pima  Coarse  Coiling  showing  Side  Wall  and^Edge. 


Fig.  33  (50.1-5192a).     Papago  Coarse  Coiling. 


182  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

binder  are  not  placed  in  juxtaposition  to  each  other  in  this  coarse  coil,  but 
are  spread  apart  in  a  distended  spiral,  thus  allowing  the  foundation  to  show 
between,  and  resulting  in  a  more  open  texture  than  that  of  smaller  baskets, 
which  are  constructed  of  finer  materials,  and  for  this  reason  it  is  commonly 
termed  "open  coiling."  In  coiled  basketry  the  foundation  element  may 
also  show  a  diversity  in  composition,  which,  however,  is  of  minor  signifi 
cance  as  belonging  to  an  inner  member  and  so  receives  the  last  consideration. 
Here  it  is  composed  of  a  number  of  splints  and  in  consequence  is  called 
"multiple  foundation"  (Figs.  31-35). 

Coarse  coil  constructs  a  second  style  of  granary,  but  one  which  is  not 
found  on  the  house  roofs  and  outside  platforms,  as  are  the  nest  and  barrel 
shapes  of  crude  coiling,  for  this  storage  bin  is  not  exposed  to  the  weather 
but  kept  indoors ;  when  families  are  poor,  it  is  placed  in  a  corner  of  the  hut, 
but  if  they  are  more  prosperous,  it  is  housed  in  the  storage  shed.  Like  the 
crude  granary,  it  stores  wheat  and  corn,  and  in  addition  may  hold  fine  seeds, 
and  shelled  beans  of  several  varieties.  The  Indians  are  loath  to  part  with 
either  of  their  storage  baskets,  for  within  them  much  of  the  family  food 
supply  is  deposited,  when  nature  has  ceased  for  a  season  to  yield  the  fresh 
foods  (Figs.  30,  35).  If  the  year  has  not  been  an  exceptionally  dry  one,  a 
Papago  or  Pima  storage  shed  after  the  harvest  season  has  past  is  an  enviable 
sight.  On  its  walls  are  basket  materials,  martynia,  willow  bark,  willow 
splints;  standing  in  a  corner  are  beargrass,  cat-tail,  wheat  straw;  from  beam 
to  beam  hang  peppers,  red  and  green;  while  on  the  ground  are  squashes, 
gourds,  and  great  basket  granaries  full  and  running  over  with  grains,  beans, 
and  various  seeds.  All  these  assure  comfort  to  the  family  during  the  season 
when  nothing  is  supplied  by  the  fields.  The  preservation  of  the  smaller 
foods  required  suitable  receptacles,  and  these  coiled  granaries  have  supplied 
this  need  and  so  are  greatly  prized. 

In  outward  appearance  this  second  storage  bin  differs  greatly  from  the 
crude  type  with  its  loose  ragged  structure  described  above,  for  here  the  walls 
are  more  substantially  built.  Just  how  long  it  will  last  before  falling  to 
pieces,  depends  upon  the  place  it  is  kept,  the  care  it  receives  during  use,  and 
the  excellence  in  workmanship  when  constructed.  Some  storehouses  are 
crudely  built,  open  to  the  dust  and  dirt  blown  in  by  desert  winds;  some 
Indians  are  heedless  in  handling  and  filling  their  storage  baskets,  and  others 
careless  in  the  compactness  of  its  construction,  for  at  times  the  binding 
element  is  loosely  coiled,  with  great  spaces  left  between  the  segments  of  the 
binding  spiral.  However,  the  bin  commonly  has  enduring  resistance  for 
about  eight  or  ten  years  of  continuous  service. 

This  is  not  an  uncommon  storage  basket  among  peoples  of  lower  culture. 
.Similar  baskets,  both  in  shape  and  technic,  are  found  in  many  parts  of  Africa 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papaya  and  Pima  Basketry.  183 

and  a  number  of  localities  in  America.  The  largest  bins  of  the  Papago  and 
the  Pima  correspond  in  being  globular  in  form;  but  the  smaller  bins  differ, 
as  the  Pima  are  bell-shaped,  with  a  flat  base  and  obliquely  straighter  wall 
(Fig.  34),  and  the  Papago  barrel-shaped,  with  a  smaller  base  and  more 
rounding  wall  (Fig.  35).  These  bins  are  covered  \vith  a  lid  especially  made 
for  them,  or  with  an  old  basket  bottom  of  finer  coiled  ware.  After  they  are 
filled  these  lids  are  sealed  with  mud;  in  fact,  the  whole  bin  may  be  com 
pletely  covered. 

There  is  great  variety  in  the  size  of  both  Papago  and  Pima  shapes, 
averaging  from  J  to  If  meters  in  height,  but  in  the  large  spherical  bins  of 
both  tribes  they  reach  2  meters  in  height  and  about  the  same  diameter. 
These  great  globular  granaries  must  be  constructed  within  the  hut  or  storage 
shed  where  they  remain,  since  they  are  too  bulky  to  pass  through  the  door, 
or  storage  house  opening  after  being  made.  They  are  also  too  large  to  be 
constructed  by  the  usual  method  from  the  outside,  but  must  be  made  from 
within,  wrhen  the  worker  gets  into  the  basket  as  seen  in  Fig.  39. 

The  materials  for  coarse  coil  differ  in  the  two  tribes:  the  Pima  founda 
tion  is  wheat  straw  (Triticum  ndgc);  and  the  Papago  beargrass  (Nolina 
erumpems),  wheat  straw  and  ocatillo  (Fouquieria  splcndcns).  The  Pima 
binding  materials  are  barks  of  the  willowr  (Salix  nigra),  mesquite  (Prosopis 
veluntina),  Acacia  constricta,  and  a  few  other  trees;  those  of  the  Papago  are 
leaves  of  sotol  (Yucca  data)  and  mesquite  bark.  Wheat  straw  is  procured 
from  the  fields  after  the  harvest  and  needs  no  preparation.  Beargrass  is 
gathered  from  the  foothills  in  summer,  its  method  of  collection  and  prepara 
tion  are  fully  described  in  the  chapter  on  close  coil.  WillowT  bark,  mesquite 
bark,  and  other  barks  are  stripped  from  the  standing  tree,  and  only  a  little 
is  removed  from  each,  that  the  loss  of  the  bark  may  not  injure  the  tree's 
growth.  Bark  must  be  used  while  still  green,  or  if  allowed  to  dry  after 
cutting,  it  must  be  well  soaked  before  it  is  pliable  enough  for  use.  Sotol 
is  found  on  the  upper  mesas,  its  process  of  gathering  and  preparation  will  be 
found  under  close  soil  (p.  190). 

Like  all  basket  work  of  the  Papago  and  Pima  with  the  exception  *of 
cradle-making,  these  bins  are  constructed  by  the  women;  and  as  in  all 
foundation  coiling  they  are  aided  in  their  construction  by  two  tools,  a  large 
butcher  knife,  or  other  strong  blade,  and  an  awl.  This  last  is  made  of  hard 
wood,  either  Sarcobatus  vcrmicularis,  or  Acaca  constricta,  and  whittled  into 
shape  by  the  women.  The  difference  in  general  appearance  of  the  Papago 
and  Pima  baskets  of  this  type  (Figs.  34-35),  comes  from  two  causes:  a 
difference  in  material,  and  also  one  of  care  in  setting  the  segments  of  the 
binding  spiral  (Figs.  32-33).  The  Papago  foundation  materials  are  rough 
and  uneven,  and  equally  so  are  the  binding  materials,  while  the  Pima 


184  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

foundation  of  wheat  straw  and  the  binder  of  willow  bark  are  more  manage 
able.  This  in  addition  to  greater  care  in  making,  gives  a  Pima  bin  which 
is  more  perfect  in  outline,  more  solid  in  build,  with  the  rounds  of  coiling 
more  evenly  and  smoothly  bound  (Fig.  34,  Figs.  31-32). 

The  coarse  coiled  granary  is  usually  not  macle  until  emergency  calls  for 
it,  when  as  the  illustrations  of  a  Pima  at  work  show,  the  woman  supplies 
this  need.  She  selects  a  bunch  of  wheat  straw  about  the  size  of  a  man's 
thumb,  and  wraps  it  with  a  strip  of  bark  for  about  4  inches  (Fig.  36a),  when 


Fig.  34  (50.1-5276).     Pima  Granary  of  Coarse  Coiling. 

the  wrapped  bunch  is  bent  to  form  a  small  ring,  or  circle,  for  the  center  of 
the  base  of  the  granary  (Fig.  36b),  and  the  binding  element  passed  through 
the  center  of  the  circle  a  couple  of  times  (Fig.  37a),  to  bind  the  ring  securely 
(Figs.  3 la,  37b).  Regular  coiling  now  begins  by  passing  the  foundation 
coil  around  and  around  this  small  circular  beginning,  while  its  accompanying 
binding  element  wraps  about  the  round  of  foundation  coil  in  process  and 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


185 


catches  into  the  top  edge  of  the  coil  below  (Fig.  31b),  through  the  hole 
already  pierced  by  the  wooden  awl  (Fig.  38ab). 

This  continues  until  the  base  is  the  desired  size,  when  the  new  round  of 
coiling  is  so  placed  as  to  start  the  wall  of  the  basket  upward.  The  position 
of  the  new  round  of  coiling  in  relation  to  the  base,  decides  the  prospective 


Fig.  35  (50.1-5192).     Papago  Granary  of  Coarse  Coiling. 

curve  of  the  wall,  for  in  the  setting  of  each  new  foundation  round  of  the  wall, 
lies  the  secret  of  shaping  the  outline  of  the  basket,  since  it  determines 
whether  the  form  is  to  be  globular,  barrel,  or  bell-shaped.  So  without 
decoration,  other  than  a  braiding  of  the  binding  element  on  the  final  round 


186 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


II 


sirs 

S  5?, 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


187 


188 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


I 


m  i 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


189 


1 90  A  nthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII , 

of  the  foundation  coil  (Fig.  32a),  whose  purpose,  in  reality,  is  as  much  to  give 
strength  to  the  edge  as  to  decorate,  the  granary  is  completed,  and  its  beauty 
consists  entirely  in  careful  shaping  and  evenness  of  construction.  At  times, 
these  bins  are  built  with  a  double  foundation  coil,  that  is,  two  coils  are 
placed  one  above  the  other  and  bound  on  together.  While  this  method 
completes  a  basket  more  quickly,  it  produces  a  structure  far  less  firm  and 
strong,  so  that  the  single  foundation  coil  is  more  frequently  resorted  to. 


CLOSE  COILING. 

The  best  known  basketry  of  these  tribes  is  close  coil,  with  conventional 
fret  designs  in  black.  It  is  a  more  perfect  coiling  than  the  last,  with  its; 
thick  foundation  and  binder  of  spreading  segments  exposing  the  first  ele 
ment,  for  it  has  a  narrower  foundation  and  a  more  slender  binder  of  closely 
set  segments,  completely  covering  the  groundwork.  Otherwise  than  in 
size  of  the  two  elements  and  in  the  set  of  the  binder  segments  the  two  seem 
ingly  different  technics  are  identical.  Obviously  this  is  a  fully  developed 
foundation  coil  of  two  elements,  the  foundation  and  the  binder,  wThich 
jointly  move  spirally  in  a  counter-clockwise  direction  from  center  to  rim; 
while  the  foundation,  a  passive  spiral,  constitutes  the  groundwork  of  the 
technic,  and  supports  the  active  binding  element.  This  last  element  fol 
lows  the  foundation  in  its  general  movement  about  the  basket,  and  also 
revolves  in  a  smaller  secondary  spiral  as  it  encircles  the  round  of  the  foun 
dation  in  process  and  unites  it  to  that  of  the  previous  round  by  catching 
into  its  upper  edge  between  the  segments  of  the  binder,  without  interlocking 
with  them.  This  smaller  secondary  spiral  is  a  plain  one,  which  during  the 
process  of  uniting  completely  covers  the  multiple  foundation  (Fig.  58). 
Close  coiling  is  the  most  substantial  basket  technic  of  these  people,  serving 
in  places  where  great  strength  and  durability  are  required,  together  with 
closeness  and  evenness  of  texture,  as  in  the  milling  industry,  the  preparation 
of  foods,  the  transportation  of  fine  grains  and  seeds,  as  well  as  the  trans 
porting  and  raising  of  water,  which  was  done  in  the  old  time  water-tight 
well-buckets  and  bottle  baskets  of  the  Papago. 

The  Indian  villages  of  this  arid  land,  like  the  parched  vegetation,  appear 
to  have  sprung  out  of  the  brown  earth,  for  when  seen  from  a  distance,  the 
dust-covered  huts  of  twigs  and  mud  seem  to  be  a  part  of  the  desert  itself. 
Upon  coming  nearer,  however,  one  discovers  that  these  circular  and  rec 
tangular  shapes  are  the  crude  works  of  man;  that  here  human  life  is  shel 
tered,  and  that  many  of  the  processes  for  providing  food  and  clothing  are 
everywhere  evident,  since  signs  of  these  are  seen  scattered  about  in  black- 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  191 

ened  cooking  pots,  sticks  of  charred  wood,  old  cans  and  bits  of  rag.  In  the 
shade  of  a  rustic  arbor,  built  of  tree  trunks  and  roofed  over  with  twigs  and 
mud,  stands  the  water  olla  on  its  forked  tree-stump,  for  at  this  fount  the 
hot  and  dusty  inhabitant  of  the  desert  finds  cool  refreshing  drink.  Before 
the  door  are  further  indications  of  domestic  activity,  an  old  basket  tray 
charred  by  hot  coals,  another  stained  with  red  peppers,  and  to  the  left  a 
battered  adobe  oven;  while  nearby  on  the  ground  rests  the  flat  stone-mill, 
the  metate,  its  supplying  wrheat  tray  at  one  side,  its  receiving  flour  tray  at 
the  end,  although  the  woman  grinder  has"  vanished,  for  frightened  at  the 
approach  of  strangers,  she  has  hastily  fled  from  her  work  and  escaped  into 
the  hut.  Beyond,  squatting  upon  the  ground,  is  a  neighbor  potter  plying 
her  art;  while  far  off  among  the  distant  mesquite  trees  is  another  woman 
returning  from  the  fields  laden  with  her  basket  bowl  upon  her  head.  Of 
these  busy  scenes  the  ones  which  interest  us  most  at  this  point,  are  those 
where  baskets  play  an  important  part,  the  coiled  bowls  and  trays,  which 
minister  to  so  many  Papago  and  Pima  wants.  Their  varied  contents  can 
best  be  accommodated  in  these  two  forms,  each  shape  with  a  distinct  func 
tion,  though  occasionally  the  tray  performs  the  duty  of  the  bowl,  and  the 
bowl  that  of  the  tray.  Other  shapes,  the  olla  and  waste-basket  forms  seen 
in  curio  shops,  are  trade  baskets  made  for  white  man's  use  and  not  for  the 
Indian's. 

The  primary  function  of  the  basket  bowl  is  that  of  transportation,  its 
secondary  use  that  of  a  temporary  receptacle,  (Figs.  42-43).  Like  the  olla 
water  jar,  during  carrying  it  is  balanced  on  the  head  without  the  aid  of  the 
hands,  but  unlike  the  olla,  at  the  present  day  it  transports  dry  produce  only, 
fruits  of  the  cactus,  vegetables,  grains,  berries,  and  small  seeds,  while 
formerly  it  was  employed  as  a  basket  for  watering  horses,  drawing  water 
from  the  well,  and  similar  purposes.  Isaac  Whittemore  in  1893  tells  of 
Pima  women  removing  dirt  from  irrigation  ditches  in  basket  bowls.1  Still 
earlier,  some  thirty  or  forty  years  ago,  white  settlers  in  Papagueria  remem 
bered  seeing  water  carried  in  two  water  jar  baskets,  thrown  over  the  saddle 
horse  on  either  side,  or  attached  to  the  saddle  itself.  The  Papago  still 
do  much  gathering  in  the  basket  bowl,  but  white  settlers  have  located  near 
the  Pima  villages,  thus  bringing  markets  in  such  close  proximity  as  to  dis 
courage  much  of  the  old-time  gathering  of  wild  things.  Besides,  for  a 
number  of  years  the  United  States  Government  has  donated  a  wagon  to  each 

1  "They  had  not  pails  or  vessels  of  wood,  but  were  not  slow  to  invent.  They  therefore 
took  willows  which  grow  in  abundance  along  the  river,  and  a  reed,  and  strip  the  bark,  then 
very  adroitly  split  these  with  their  teeth,  and  wove  them  so  closely  as  to  hold  water.  This 
they  accomplished  by  means  of  needles  or  thorns  of  cactus.  They  used  these  baskets  while 
digging  small  ditches,  the  women  filling  them  with  earth  and  carrying  them  up  the  bank." 
(Isaac  T.  Whittemore,  "Among  the  Pima,"  p.  53,  Albany,  N.  Y.,  1893). 


l^    *        '5* 


Fig.  40 


tV 

C 


* 

mS^EBjp  '• 


Fig.  41. 

Fig.  40.  Pima  Woman  winnowing  Wheat.  The  wheat  is  poured  upon  a  matting  and 
the  wind  carries  away  the  chaff. 

Fig.  41.  Pima  Woman  grinding  Wheat.  From  a  basket  tray  at  her  side  she  places  a 
handful  of  wheat  on  the  metate  and  after  grinding  with  the  muller,  pushes  the  ground  flour 
into  a  second  basket. 

192 


1910.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  193 

Indian  family  where  the  man  builds  an  adobe  house  and  cuts  his  hair.  The 
possession  of  these  wagons  has  brought  the  markets  within  still  easier  reach, 
so  that  this,  together  with  the  fact  that  many  of  the  younger  Pima  laugh  at 
those  who  continue  to  journey  for  wild  things,  has  lessened  the  use  of  the 
bowl  for  transportation. 

The  function  of  the  tray  is  not  that  of  storage,  or  transportation,  but 
household  service,  where  it  ministers  most  efficiently  (Figs.  40-41).  Only 
on  ceremonial  occasions  is  it  employed  at  the  present  time,  as  an  eating 
dish,  when  the  small  water-tight  tray  of  the  Papago  medicineman  is  called 
into  service,  both  as  a  drinking  cup  and  a  pinole  dish,  when  on  expeditions 
to  the  sea  for  sacred  salt,  and  when  curing  the  sick  (Fig.  60f).  The  tray  is 
the  most  frequently  used  basket  of  these  tribes,  aiding  in  the  preparation 
of  all  kinds  of  foods,  and  since  few  of  these  are  eaten  raw,  it  is  a  most  con 
stant  helper  in  their  culinary  work,  taking  the  place  of  white  man's  pan, 
bowl,  and  plate,  for  the  cutting  up  and  getting  ready  for  cooking  squashes, 
pumpkins,  roots,  beans,  and  other  vegetables;  different  kinds  of  meats; 
fruits,  berries,  seeds,  and  cereals.  This  continual  use  of  the  basket  tray 
has  greatly  endeared  it  to  the  Indian  woman,  who  handles  it  with  loving 
care,  knowing  how  repeatedly  it  has  ministered  to  her  wants.  How  many 
harvests  have  come  and  gone  through  which  it  has  served  her;  what  a  great 
variety  of  foods  it  has  protectingly  held  for  her;  how  many  meals  it  has 
helped  prepare  for  her  hungry  household ! 

Wheat  (pelca,  or  pelka)  has  been  a  staple  food  with  the  Papago  and  Pima 
since  introduced  by  the  white  man  many  years  ago.  In  prosperous  seasons 
the  Pima  do  not  mill  their  wheat,  they  exchange  it  for  flour;  but  when  times 
are  hard  they  return  to  their  old  custom  of  milling  the  wheat.  Few  of  the 
Papago  buy  flour  even  in  prosperous  years,  but  continue  the  old  methods  of 
milling.  For  this  the  tray  serves  in  two  distinct  processes,  in  the  winnow 
ing  and  in  the  grinding.  Wheat  is  winnowed  in  two  ways :  it  may  be  tossed 
in  the  tray,  or  poured  from  it  onto  a  canvas  spread  upon  the  ground  (Fig.  40) ; 
in  either  case,  the  wind  acts  as  the  agent  for  disposing  of  the  chaff,  for  the 
winnower  so  places  herself  that  it  will  be  carried  off  in  this  way.  WThen 
following  the  first  method,  the  woman  sits  on  the  ground  and  lightly  and 
deftly  tosses  the  wheat  kernels  which  have  been  previously  loosened  from 
their  hulls.  At  times  between  tossing  she  gives  them  a  hard  rub  on  the  base 
of  the  tray  to  loosen  any  hull  that  still  adheres  to  the  kernel ;  then  she  con 
tinues  the  tossing  without  losing  a  grain  over  the  rim,  while  the  wind  takes 
care  of  the  chaff.  During  the  second  method  of  winnowing  the  woman 
stands  while  she  pours  the  wheat  from  her  tray  basket  upon  the  square  of 
canvas,  and  the  hulled  kernels  fall  to  the  ground,  the  wind  disposing  of  the 
chaff  (Fig.  40). 


194  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

In  flour  making  the  grinding  process  follows  that  of  winnowing.  This 
is  done  on  the  heavy  stone  metate,  (Fig.  41),  a  flat  rectangular  stone  with 
a  slight  dip  on  its  upper  surface.  It  is  usually  found  standing  near  at  hand 
just  outside  the  door,  or  under  the  rustic  arbor,  or  if  inside,  within  the 
storage  shed,  or  possibly,  but  more  rarely,  writhin  the  house  itself.  During 
grinding,  the  metate  may  rest  flat  upon  the  ground  without  a  prop,  but  more 
commonly  it  is  tilted  a  bit  at  the  front  edge  on  a  small  stone.  The  wheat 
is  ground  upon  its  surface  by  means  of  a  flat  rectangular  muller  stone 
rubbed  across  it;  and  it  is  a  hard  grind  the  Indian  woman  must  give  her 
grain  to  turn  it  into  flour.  From  the  supply  tray  at  her  right,  she  puts 
a  handful  of  unground  grain  upon  the  metate,  and  rubs  the  muller  over  it, 
until  it  is  very  fine,  when  she  pushes  the  ground  flour  over  the  back  edge 
into  the  flour  tray  beyond.  Incidentally,  a  minor  process  enters  into  milling 
before  the  grinding,  that  of  cleaning  the  wheat,  as  it  must  be  thoroughly 
looked  over  and  freed  of  stray  seeds  and  bits  of  dirt  that  may  have  fallen 
in  -among  the  kernels  of  wheat.  A  deeper  tray  is  used  for  this,  if  the  family 
is  provided  with  trays  of  varying  depths,  since  there  is  less  danger  of  spill 
ing  the  grain  as  it  is  pushed  about  with  the  hands,  or  rocked  from  side  to 
side,  that  all  the  stray  specks  and  dirt  may  be  found. 

Ground  wheat,  corn,  and  other  seeds  are  cooked  in  a  number  of  ways: 
baked  in  loaves,  or  tortillas,  fried  in  suet;  or  boiled  in  soups  and  gruels.  In 
most  of  these  instances,  the  basket  tray  serves  as  the  mixing  dish,  holds 
the  dough  while  waiting  to  be  placed  on  the  fire,  and  receives  the  food  when 
cooked  and  ready  for  serving.  Only  one  instance  was  reported  wrhere  in 
former  times  the  tray  served  as  an  eating  plate  for  a  mixture  of  corn  and 
beans  similar  to  succotash. 

Another  grinding  process  is  carried  on  not  by  rubbing,  but  by  crushing 
in  a  wooden  mortar  constructed  of  a  cottonwood  stump,  when  either  a 
vertical  section  is  hollowed  out  at  one  end  and  the  stump  stood  on  the  other 
end  (Fig.  42);  or  a  horizontal  section  is  dug  out  on  one  side,  or  around  a 
knot  hole  (Fig.  75a).  The  size  of  the  stone  pestle  for  crushing,  varies  from  a 
very  light  weight  to  one  of  such  heft  as  to  require  both  hands  in  the  lifting, 
since  it  is  suited  to  the  seeds  to  be  ground.  The  food  most  frequently  so 
crushed,  or  ground,  is  the  mesquite  bean;  although  other  beans  and  seeds 
are  put  through  the  same  process,  during  which,  as  in  grinding  on  the 
metate,  both  supplying  and  receiving  baskets  are  present  (Fig.  42). 

For  parching  wheat  with  live  coals,  a  pan,  or  a  wrooden  tray,  is  now 
ordinarily  employed,  but  when  neither  is  handy,  the  Indian  woman  finds 
for  this  purpose  a  much-worn  basket  tray,  as  is  attested  by  the  scorched 
and  charred  linings  of  numbers  of  these  old  trays,  and  this,  no  doubt,  was 
the  old  custom  before  civilization  brought  the  pan  and  the  wooden  tray. 


Fig.  42. 


Fig.  43. 

Fig.  42.     Grinding  Mesquite  Beans  in  a  Wooden  Mortar  made  from  a  Cottonwood 
Stump. 

Fig.  43.     Pima  Woman  parching  Wheat  with  Live  Coals;  one  bowl  contains  unparcJ 

and  the  other  parched  wheat. 

195 


Fig.  44.     Forms  of  Papago  and  Pima  Bowls  and  Trays:   a,  Papago;   6,  Pima, 

196 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  197 

For  the  parching,  live  coals  are  raked  into  the  tray  and  the  grain  thrown  in 
on  top,  when  a  series  of  tosses  brings  the  lighter  coals  to  the  top,  and  sends 
the  wheat  to  the  bottom;  continued  tossing  keeps  the  two  in  motion,  and 
a  puff  of  breath  blows  the  ashes  away.  When  the  process  is  completed 
the  ever-present  basket  receives  the  parched  grain  as  did  a  similar  utensil 
furnish  the  unparched  grain  (Fig.  43).  Wheat  is  also  roasted  in  a  bit  of 
broken  pottery,  over  the  live  coals  of  the  open  fire  within  the  hut. 

Trays  of  close  coiling  frequently  take  the  place  of  covers  for  the  large 
grain  bins  of  coarse  coiling  and  for  pottery  ollas.  It  is  seldom  a  new  tray 
acts  in  this  capacity,  more  usually  it  is  the  impaired  trays,  or  the  broken- 
out  base  of  some  old  bowl  or  tray  which  serves  the  purpose  of  a  cover. 

In  addition  to  the  utilitarian  functions  of  the  basket  tray,  it  has  another, 
a  ceremonial  use,  for  turned  wrong  side  up  any  hard  firm  tray  of  sufficient 
size,  such  as  are  in  common  household  use,  may  be  called  to  act  as  a  drum 
upon  ceremonial  occasions,  either  at  dances,  or  when  the  medicineman  is 
doctoring,  the  sick  or  modifying  the  weather  conditions.  At  these  ceremo 
nies,  the  medicineman  accompanies  his  songs  with  a  beating  on  the  basket 
drum  in  rhythm  either  with  the  hand,  or  a  stick. 

Besides  baskets  for  their  own  use,  the  Papago  make  a  basket  for  sale  of 
sotol  (Yucca  data)  upon  a  foundation  of  beargrass  (Figs.  67  and  69).  These 
are  not  so  strong  or  smooth  as  those  made  of  "  tree  material"  for  household 
use,  and  are  only  called  into  domestic  service  when  the  Indian  woman  finds 
all  her  baskets  of  "tree  material"  are  otherwise  employed.  The  sotol 
basket  is  disposed  of  rapidly  to  curio  dealers,  missionaries,  and  others  inter 
ested  in  helping  the  Indians  financially.  From  this  extensive  distribution 
of  the  sale  basket  has  come  the  false  report  that  Papago  coiled  baskets  are 
constructed  exclusively  of  sotol. 

In  proportion  and  general  contour  Papago  bowls  are  broad,  globular, 
flat  based  forms  (Figs.  44  and  59d),  whose  qualities  of  shape  harmonize 
with  their  heavy,  solid,  unyielding  construction,  which  when  function 
requires  are  water-tight  (Fig.  59b).  As  would  be  expected,  the  wall  is 
thick  (Fig.  59b  and  65c)  and  hard,  and  built  with  full,  well-rounded  curves, 
and  a  soft  edge,  tending  at  times  to  curve  inward  (Figs.  59b,  d).  The  Pap 
ago  trays  follow  the  same  plan  as  the  bowls,  although  the  slight  height  of  the 
tray  form,  excludes  some  of  the  qualities  shown  in  the  bowls  (Fig.  44). 
Papago  water  basket  jars,  now  no  longer  used,  were  tall,  slender,  bottle 
shapes  with  an  incurving  neck.  In  general  proportion  and  shape,  Pima 
bowls  are  taller  and  more  oval  than  Papago  bowls,  with  a  narrow  curved 
base  (Figs.  63a,  65d,  44).  Their  build  is  lighter,  more  pliable,  and  never 
water-tight;  their  contour  more  subtle  in  line,  with  sweeping  upspringing 
curves;  the  wall  thin  and  springy;  the  edge  sharp  and  clean  cut,  with  no 


1  9S  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII 

tendency  toward  incurving.  As  with  the  Papago,  the  tray  forms  of  th< 
Pima  have  similar  characteristics  to  the  Pima  bowls  (Fig.  44). 

In  size,  Papago  bowls  range  from  40  cm.  to  50  cm.  in  diameter,  and  18  cm 
to  22  cm.  in  depth  (Fig.  44) ;  the  deep  trays  from  40  cm.  to  50  cm.  in  diam 
eter  and  11  cm.  to  16  cm.  in  depth  (Fig.  44) ;  and  the  shallow  trays  from  3l 
cm.  to  40  cm.  in  diameter  and  4  cm.  to  7  cm.  in  depth  (Fig.  44).  Pima  bowls 
are  slightly  taller  than  those  of  the  Papago  (Fig.  44)  and  their  trays  are 
slightly  broader  (Fig.  44). 

The  material  for  the  foundation  element  of  the  Papago  is  beargras< 
(Xolina  erum  perns),  although  Spanish  bayonet  (Yucca  baccata)  is  substituted 
as  a  makeshift  when  beargrass  cannot  be  obtained ;  the  foundation  element 
of  the  Pima  is  cat-tail  (Typha  an  gust  if  olio),  and  when  this  is  lacking  the 
poorer  parts  of  old  cottonwood  twigs  (Popuhis  fremontii).  Summer  is  the 
season  for  harvesting  beargrass,  when  the  women  generally  go  for  it  in 
groups,  at  the  present  time  in  wagons,  but  formerly  on  foot.  Even  when 
the  trip  is  taken  by  wagon,  an  entire  day  is  none  too  long  for  the  journey,  so 
when  the  time  arrives  for  a  particular  group  of  friends  to  gather  this  basket 
material  in  the  foothills,  they  must  get  an  early  morning  start.  Beargrass 
grows  in  great  bunches  from  30  cm.  to  60  cm.  in  diameter,  and  from  60  cm. 
to  90  cm.  in  height.  In  the  center  of  these  clusters  the  grass  stands  erect, 
but  around  the  edge  it  is  dry  and  bends  to  the  ground;  so  this  outer  portion 
is  rejected  by  the  gatherers  and  only  the  center  cut  away  with  axes  and  large 
butcher  knives.  Each  woman  collects  for  herself  as  much  as  she  needs, 
some  selecting  with  care  the  material  in  the  best  condition,  others  gathering 
more  carelessly ;  when  the  beargrass  is  carried  home  it  is  laid  on  the  ground 
to  dry  in  the  sun  for  four  or  five  days,  but  it  must  be  taken  in  during  showers. 
When  needed  for  basketry  it  is  taken  without  moistening,  and  split  by  the 
teeth,  fingers,  finger-nails,  or  at  times  a  knife,  and  worked  into  the  basket, 
dry.  Spanish  bayonet  is  employed  by  the  Papago  when  beargrass  is  not 
at  hand;  its  preparation  and  use  does  not  differ  from  that  of  the  latter 
material.  A  third  material  for  the  foundation  was  reported  by  one  woman 
in  Little  Tucson  who  remembered  the  Papago  years  ago  using  a  "tree 
material,"  but  what  this  tree  was  she  did  not  know.  Cat-tail  is  gathered 
by  the  Pima  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  of  beargrass,  although  it  is  found 
nearer  the  villages,  so  the  journey  is  not  so  long.  As  with  the  Papago,  these 
harvestings  are  social  affairs,  where  the  women  take  their  lunches  and  spend 
the  day.  The  hollow  stem  of  the  plant  is  the  part  needed  for  the  foundation 
element,  which  is  split  dry,  and  worked  into  the  basket  without  moistening 
(Fig.  48).  In  districts  where  the  Pima  cannot  obtain  cat-tail  they  substi 
tute  a  foundation  material  which  constructs  a  coarser  basket  than  the  cat 
tail,  that  of  finely  split  twigs  of  cottonwood,  but  only  those  which  are  too 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  199 

old  and  brittle  to  serve  as  a  binder  material,  since  pliable  twigs  are  too 
precious  to  be  used  in  this  way. 

The  materials  for  the  binding  element  are  the  same  in  both  tribes,  except 
on  Papago  sale  baskets  and  a  few  for  home  use.  These  materials,  with  this 
exception,  are  splints  of  willow  (Salix  nigra),  and  of  cottonwood  (Populus 
frcmontii)  found  mostly  in  the  Pima  habitat,  and  splints  from  the  seedpods 
of  martynia  (Martynia  probosidea)  found  in  both  habitats.  To  these  is 
added  a  fourth  material  for  the  exceptional  Papago  baskets,  the  sotol  (Yucca 
data).  Spring  is  the  season  for  gathering  twigs,  the  willows  (Fig.  45),  and 
the  cottonwood,  autumn  is  the  time  of  year  when  martynia  is  ripe  (Fig.  46); 
and  summer  is  the  harvest  time  for  sotol. 

When  the  first  green  leaves  appear  in  the  spring,  the  Indian  woman  goes 
out  to  cut  the  willow  twigs  from  the  trees  which  border  the  few  small  streams, 
or  the  dry  stream  beds.  Around  the  foot  of  the  tree,  and  on  the  trunk, 
where  a  bunch  of  fresh  growth  is  sent  up,  she  finds  the  pliable  young  twigs 
suitable  for  basket  work  and  although  the  first  she  can  easily  obtain,  for  the 
last  she  must  climb.  The  twigs  are  cut  with  a  sharp  knife,  tied  into  bundles 
and  carried  home  upon  the  head,  or  in  the  kiaha  on  the  back,  where  they  are 
immediately  cleared  of  the  bark,  as  otherwise  it  will  adhere  to  the  wood.  In 
olden  days,  the  Indians  loosened  it  from  the  wood  by  boiling,  but  that  prac 
tice  has  long  since  been  abandoned.  In  stripping  off  the  bark,  the  start 
may  be  made  from  an  end  of  the  twig,  or  the  teeth  may  lift  the  bark  midway 
IK  'tween  the  ends,  and  the  inserted  thumbs  then  peel  it  off  to  the  extremities 
of  the  twig.  This  removes  one  half  the  bark,  another  such  stripping  clears 
the  other  side  of  the  twig,  and  the  ends  of  these  barkless  twigs  are  split  in 
TWO  by  the  teeth  and  stripped  apart  with  the  fingers.  For  a  finer  binding 
element  the  strips  are  again  split,  after  which  they  are  rolled  into  coils  ready 
for  barter  or  storage  (Fig.  45).  Before  using  for  basket-making,  a  thorough 
soaking  is  necessary,  but  only  of  a  few  splints  at  a  time.  Cottonwood  splints 
are  gathered,  prepared,  and  used  as  those  of  the  willow,  and  yield  a  whiter, 
less  smooth  and  less  durable  binding  element  than  the  willow. 

Sotol  is  a  yucca  from  the  higher  mesas.  Its  long  narrow  leaves,  radiating 
from  the  central  stem,  are  used  for  the  binding  element  on  Papago  sale 
baskets.  Only  the  young,  tender,  inside  leaves  at  the  center  of  the  plant 
are  suitable  and  are  grasped  and  pulled  out  with  the  hands,  stripped 
immediately  of  their  stringy  edges,  and  split  down  the  center  midrib  with 
the  basket  awl,  before  being  spread  on  the  ground  for  two  or  three  days  to 
dry.  \Yhen  wanted  for  coiling,  a  few  strips  are  soaked  in  hot  water  for  a 
short  time,  and  then  wrapped  in  a  cloth  to  keep  damp,  but  before  using, 
the  midrib  is  shaved  off  with  a  knife  by  holding  the  strip  taut  between  the 
teeth  and  the  left  hand  while  using  the  knife  with  the  right. 


200  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


201 


202  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

Martino,  popularly  called  martynia,  and  also  devil's  claw,  is  the  black 
material  employed  for  designs.  It  is  the  peculiar  shaped  seed  pod  of  marty 
nia,  which  furnishes  the  basket  material,  for  from  the  long  elliptical  pod 
extend  two  slender  hooks  from  20  cm.  to  35  cm.  long.  From  the  back  and 
front  of  these  hooks  are  stripped  short  black  splints,  two  from  each  hook 
(Fig.  46).  Aside  from  this  decorative  use,  martynia  has  another  very 
practical  one,  that  of  supplying  strength  to  parts  of  baskets  receiving  the 
greatest  strain  and  hard  usage,  as  it  is  the  toughest  and  most  durable 
basket  material  of  the  region.  For  this  reason,  it  is  used  to  construct  the 
base  of  baskets  in  both  tribes,  the  edge  of  the  Pima  ware,  and  many  entire 
Papago  bowrls  where  a  very  strong  structure  is  desired.  Although  martynia 
grows  wild,  most  of  the  Indians  seed  it  in  their  fields,  since  they  find  the 
cultivated  plant  yields  pods  with  hooks  of  greater  length,  finer  grain,  and  a 
better  black.  Only  a  few  of  the  more  shiftless  Indians  gather  it  wild. 
Martynia,  both  the  cultivated  and  the  wild,  is  collected  in  autumn  when  the 
seeds  have  ripened,  but  it  must  not  be  allowed  to  get  frosted,  for  should  the 
frost  touch  the  pod-hooks,  they  will  lose  their  good  black,  and  become  a 
dull  grey.  The  pods  are  broken  from  the  plant  with  the  hands,  hooked 
together  in  great  bunches,  wrapped  in  a  cloth,  and  taken  home  either  on  the 
head,  or  in  the  kiaha.  They  are  already  dry  when  gathered,  and  as  they 
are  not  stripped  at  this  time,  are  now  in  condition  for  barter,  or  for  storage. 

When  material  is  needed  for  basket-making,  some  of  the  pods  are  taken 
from  the  bunch  and  buried  for  a  day  in  a  damp  hole  under  ground,  with 
water  poured  over,  although  occasionally  one  finds  a  woman  who  has 
abandoned  the  old  method  and  simply  soaks  her  martynia  pods  in  boiling 
water.  When  the  pods  are  well  moistened,  the  basket  maker  seats  herself 
on  the  ground  near  the  hole  where  the  pods  are  soaking,  and  reaching  for  a 
pod  (Fig.  46)  splits  two  strips  from  each  hook,  one  from  the  front,  the  other 
from  the  back.  The, woman  here  (Fig.  47)  has  relinquished  the  old  position 
and  prefers  sitting  upon  a  box  instead.  For  stripping,  the  point  of  the  hook 
is  split  into  three,  either  with  the  teeth,  or  with  the  sharp  basket  awl  against 
a  board  when  the  hook  is  stripped  into  three  parts  by  holding  securely 
between  the  teeth  one  of  the  outside  divisions  while  the  fingers  peel  away 
from  it  the  remaining  portion  of  the  hook.  The  other  outside  strip  is  then 
torn  off,  when  the  outside  strips  are  gathered  together  in  bunches  till  needed 
(Fig.  46).  When  wanted  for  basketry,  a  few  splints  are  again  moistened 
and  the  white  pithy  wood  which  adheres  to  the  inner  side  of  these  strips  is 
scraped  away  with  a  knife,  while  the  splint  is  held  between  the  teeth  and  the 
left  hand. 

Nature  has  provided  the  Indian  woman  with  her  most  valuable  basket 
tools,  the  fingers,  teeth,  and  feet.  She  supplements  these  natural  tools 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  203 

with  artificial  aids,  the  ax,  or  hatchet,  the  knife  and  the  awl  for  assisting 
in  the  gathering,  the  preparation,  and  use  of  her  basket  materials.  These 
tools  she  now  may  purchase  from  a  neighboring  city  of  the  white  man,  if 
it  is  not  too  distant ;  but  more  often  she  fashions  them  herself,  for  frequently 
her  home  is  in  a  remote  village.  The  tool-fashioning  skill  of  the  Papago 
exceeds  that  of  the  Pima,  especially  in  making  the  awl,  which  is  a  more 
shapely  and  carefully  constructed  tool  than  that  of  the  Pima.  In  fact  the 
Papago  are  neater,  more  thrifty,  and  painstaking  in  many  ways,  although 
in  basket  technic  they  are  excelled  by  the  Pima. 

Of  the  tools  for  cutting,  the  largest  is  the  ax,  formerly  of  stone,  but  now  a 
store-bought  article,  used  for  felling  coarse  materials  such  as  beargrass. 
As  a  substitute  for  the  ax  in  gathering  lighter  weight  materials  and  cutting 
twigs  the  large  butcher  knife  is  employed;  for  the  preparation  of  material, 
knives  of  all  sizes,  preferably  the  smaller  are  in  use.  These  last  may  be  old 
case  knives,  whole  or  broken  off  blades,  or  the  knife  may  be  something  put 
together  by  the  Indian  herself,  an  old  picked  up  blade,  rubbed  into  shape 
on  a  stone  and  furnished  with  a  handle  of  gum,  or  of  two  bits  of  wood 
gummed  to  the  blade  (Fig.  49a). 

Along  with  the  cutting  tool  there  is  required  one  for  perforating  holes 
for  the  passage  of  the  binding  element.  The  sharp  pointed  awl  meets  this 
need,  supplied  in  early  days  by  a  needle  or  a  thorn  of  cactus,  and  later  by  a 
bone  or  a  bit  of  mesquite  wood.1  At  present,  the  only  materials  employed 
to  make  these  tools  are  nails  or  bits  of  old  umbrella  rib  rubbed  to  a  point 
upon  a  stone,  while  those  for  the  handles  of  these  points  are  wood,  or  gum. 
Wooden  handles  have  the  bits  of  umbrella  rib  either  driven  in  with  a  stone, 
or  burned  in  after  heating  if  the  wood  is  hard,  when  the  steel  may  be  run 
into  either  end  of  the  handle.  The  simplest  method  is  to  sharpen  the  steel 
and  drive  the  point  up  through  the  handle  from  its  lower  end,  but  this 
method  is  not  practised  as  frequently  as  that  of  pushing  in  the  steel  from 
above,  either  sharpened  or  unsharpened.  The  unsharpened  steels,  when 
run  in  from  above,  are  driven  into  the  handle  and  the  remaining  exposed 
steel  then  sharpened;  the  sharpened  steels  may  have  their  points  driven  in, 
or  burned  in,  before  the  remaining  exposed  portion  is  sharpened.  When  the 
steel  point  is  completed  the  handle  is  shaped  by  whittling  and  smoothing 
with  a  knife.  Papago  handles  are  of  mesquite  wood,  or  old  broom  handles; 
Pima  are  of  willow,  cottonwood,  mesquite  wood,  mesquite  root,  or  some  old 
tool  handle.  The  material  for  gum  handles  is  the  secretion  of  a  tiny  insect 
(Carteria  larrcac],  found  upon  the  greasewood  twigs.  This  twig  bearing 
the  secretion  is  broken  off,  held  over  the  fire  until  the  gum  is  softened,  and 


Isaac  T.  Whittemore,  ibid.,  52;    Frank  Russell,  ibid.,  135. 


204  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.   [Vol.  XVII 


Fig.  47.     Splitting  the  Martynia. 

Fig.  48.     Splitting  Beargrass  for  the  Foundation  Element. 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


205 


B 


Fig.  49  (50.1-5161,  5162,  5218,  5221,  5155,  5216,  5156,  5157).   Basketry  Tools,  Papago. 


206  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

then  shaped  with  the  fingers  about  the  end  of  the  steel,  when,  with  cooling, 
the  gum  becomes  hard  like  wood  (Fig.  49b).  Another  gum  less  frequently 
used  is  creosote  (Covilleatridcntata,  or  Larrea  Mexicano). 

At  almost  any  hour  of  the  day  one  will  find  some  Papago  or  Pima  woman 
before  the  door  of  her  hut  at  basket-making.  Like  other  duties,  this  is  a 
part  of  the  regular  work  of  this  busy  woman,  for  she  is  expected  not  only  to 
tend  to  the  regular  household  affairs,  but  to  bring  all  the  fuel  and  water  and 
in  olden  days  to  help  in  the  fields,  and  for  these  she  has  need  of  utensils 
for  pottery  and  basketry  and  so  must  provide  herself  with  them.  Most 
basket  makers  learn  the  art  from  their  mothers  when  young  girls,  but  now 
and  then  one  is  found  who  has  acquired  the  craft  when  a  grown  woman. 
Judging  from  the  present  results  of  makers  of  coiled  ware  it  takes  a  life 
time  to  perfect  the  art,  since  the  old  women  are  now  making  the  best 
baskets,  although  it  is  possible  that  this  is  due  to  the  influx  of  civilization 
which  tempts  the  younger  generation  to  abandon  the  old  arts  for  the  customs 
of  the  white  man. 

When  making  coiled  baskets  the  Indian  woman  sits  tailor  fashion  on  the 
ground  upon  a  square  of  canvas  (Fig.  53).  If  the  day  is  hot  she  selects 
some  comfortable  spot,  usually  on  the  shady  side  of  the  hut;  if  cool,  she 
sits  in  the  sun;  but  when  cold  weather  sets  in  she  is  driven  within  doors, 
except  during  the  warm  midday.  Within  she  plies  her  art  just  inside  the 
door,  her  only  means  of  light  as  few  huts  have  windows,  but  when  very  cold 
days  come  she  may  be  forced  to  stop  basket  work  entirely  for  then  the  door 
is  closed.  Then  she  squats  beside  the  low  fireplace  with  its  fire  of  mesquite 
wood,  or  before  a  pan  of  hot  coals  in  the  middle  of  the  room,  for  these  women 
wear  very  little  clothing,  perhaps  nothing  but  a  cotton  dress  even  in  the 
coldest  weather.  Placed  beside  the  basket  maker,  to  assist  in  the  work, 
are  the  dish  of  water  for  moistening  and  soaking  the  materials;  the  basket 
tools,  a  knife  and  an  awl  (Fig.  49) ;  as  well  as  the  materials,  the  dry  split 
beargrass,  or  cat-tail,  lying  loosely  on  the  ground  for  the  foundation,  and 
the  willow,  cottonwood,  or  martynia  splints  (Figs.  45-46)  soaking  in  the 
dish,  or  the  yucca  wrapped  in  a  dampened  cloth  for  the  binding  element. 

Coiling  is  begun  by  most  peoples  with  a  bit  of  the  foundation  material 
bunched  together,  bound,  and  then  coiled  in  concentric  circles.  Few  tribes 
deviate  from  this  method,  but  the  Pima  and  Papago  make  a  very  different 
beginning,  a  plaited  center,  most  commonly  constructed  with  six  strips  of 
binding  material  arranged  in  two  groups  of  three  strips  each,  and  during 
the  making  either  laid  on  the  knee  or  held  in  the  left  hand  during  the  first 
few  moves.  The  two  groups  are  placed  so  as  to  cross  each  other  at  right 
angles  near  their  center,  as  seen  in  Fig.  50a,  which  is  the  back  of  the  center. 
One  set  of  ends  of  the  lower  group  is  then  bent  up  and  over  the  front  so  as 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


207 


Fig.  50.     Beginning  of  Close  Coiling. 


Fig.  51  (50.1-5124a).     A  Second  Close  Coil  Beginning,  Papago. 


208 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


to  pass  over  its  own  strips,  but  deviating  slightly  toward  the  left  (Fig.  50a  a). 
The  next  group  of  ends,  the  left,  is  similarly  bent,  crossing  it  at  right  angles 
over  the  first  group  of  ends  (Fig.  50b  b).  The  third  group  is  similarly  bent, 
crossing  the  second  ends  (Fig.  50c  b),  and  finally  the  last  group  is  bent  across 
the  third  group,  but  it  must  be  slipped  under  the  first  group  to  hold  securely 
(Fig.  50d  b).  The  ends  are  now  pulled  tightly  in  place  that  the  center  may 
show  four  small  squares  within  a  large  one  (Fig.  50  b).  At  this  point  the 
center  is  turned  over,  so  that  the  four  small  squares  will  be  below,  and  the 


Fig.  52  (50.1-5125,  5196).     a,  Coiling  Begun;    b,  Further  Coiling,  Papago. 

first  diagonal  crossing  of  the  two  groups  will  be  above  (Fig.  50  a).  Each  set 
of  ends  must  now  duplicate  the  moves  before  made  on  the  front,  that  is, 
each  group  is  bent  so  as  to  cross  the  center  in  regular  succession  to  form  the 
four  squares,  giving  a  second  face  like  Fig.  50  b,  or  a  double  faced  center  as 
in  Fig.  50  c. 

Another  center  is  occasionally  used,  although  it  is  not  so  common  as 
the  one  just  described.  Its  eight  strips  are  arranged  in  two  groups  of  four 
elements  each,  which  cross  at  right  angles,  and  plait  over  and  under  one 
another  in  regular  checked  plaiting  (Fig.  5 la).  The  four  ends  of  one  side 
are  then  bent  across  the  top  as  in  the  first  group  of  ends  described  in  the 
previous  center  (Fig.  50).  In  like  manner,  the  ends  of  each  side  are  taken 
in  successive  rotation  and  bent  across  the  previous  set  as  in  the  groups  of 
ends  in  the  previous  center  (Fig.  50-51). 

Either  of  these  centers  is  now  ready  for  regular  coiling  to  begin,  before 
which,  however,  all  the  strip  ends  must  again  be  wet  to  avoid  breaking  when 
bent.  A  group  of  ends  is  then  turned  to  the  left  to  act  as  a  foundation  and 
bound  down  to  the  center  by  an  extra  binding  element  which  is  added  here. 
It  passes  around  the  group  of  ends  and  into  the  edge  of  the  center  through  a 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  209 

hole  already  pierced  by  the  woman's  awl  (Figs.  54,  56),  and  so  continues 
until  the  second  group  of  ends  is  reached,  when  this  group  is  turned  to  the 
left  and  bound  down  as  the  last  group  (Fig.  52a).  This  is  continued  until 
the  point  is  reached  where  the  binding  element  was  first  introduced,  when 
splints  of  the  foundation  element,  beargrass  or  cat-tail,  are  added  to  the 
splints  already  acting  as  a  foundation  and  all  are  caught  down  as  before 
by  the  binding  element,  which  enters  the  edge  of  the  first  row  of  coiling. 
The  binder  enters  the  previous  coil  between  the  segments  of  the  spiral,  or 
stitches  as  they  are  sometimes  called,  and  does  not  interlock  with  them 
(Fig.  52b).  Pima  basket  makers  are  very  exact  in  this  placing  of  the 
binding  element,  giving  their  baskets  a  more  ridged  surface,  while  the 
Papago  are  less  particular,  producing  a  rougher,  less  even  surface. 

So  coiling  continues  until  the  base  has  reached  the  desired  size,  when 
the  walls  are  begun  by  a  change  in  the  position  of  the  foundation  coil  in 
process.  This  is  not  placed,  as  before,  on  the  top  of  the  last  round  of  coiling, 
but  is  bound  to  its  side  and  at  such  an  angle  as  is  proposed  for  the  erected 
wall.  It  is  this  shifting  of  the  position  of  the  foundation  coil  which  makes 
possible  the  shaping  process,  allowing  the  walls  by  incurving,  or  outcurving, 
to  alter  their  outline  to  suit  the  fancy  of  the  maker.  Figs.  53-58  show  quite 
clearly  the  process  of  coiling:  the  woman's  position  on  the  ground  in  front 
of  her  hut  (Fig.  53) ;  the  puncturing  of  the  hole  by  the  pointed  awl  (Fig.  54) ; 
the  biting  sharp  the  end  of  the  binder  so  that  it  may  easily  enter  the  hole 
when  the  awl  is  lifted  (Fig.  55) ;  the  pushing  of  the  binder  through  the  hole 
(Fig.  56);  the  pulling  it  tight  and  the  holding  of  the  awl  when  not  in  use 
(Fig.  57);  and  the  adding  new  splints  to  the  foundation  (Fig.  58).  New 
binding  splints  are  joined  by  pushing  the  new  splint  through  the  last  binding 
hole  and  covering  the  last  segment  of  the  old  splint  before  entering  the  newly 
punctured  hole.  Figs.  53-57  show  a  Papago  basket  maker  at  work  on  the 
small  beginning  of  a  coiled  basket,  and  Fig.  58  represents  a  Pima  wroman  with 
an  almost  completed  bowl  adding  fresh  foundation  material. 

Grim  necessity  no  doubt  had  much  to  do  with  the  development  of  shape, 
size,  and  technic  in  basketry,  but  other  causes  are  responsible  for  the  presence 
of  design  and  the  finer  qualities  of  craftsmanship,  for  it  was  freedom  from 
the  strain  of  necessity  which  nurtured  into  being  the  fine  arts.  Leisure 
and  abundance  of  time,  is  the  staunch  friend  of  the  Indian  in  working  out 
basketry  decoration,  time  to  play  with  her  units  of  design,  to  arrange  them 
into  patterns  to  best  fit  them  to  the  purpose  in  hand.  So  in  the  designs  on 
the  foundation  coil  of  these  tribes,  which  in  abundance  and  elaborateness 
of  pattern  hold  first  place  among  their  basket  technics,  there  are  interest 
ing  examples  of  invention  and  adaptation.  The  design  of  foundation  coil 
is  less  influenced  by  technic  than  other  kinds  of  basketry,  especially  when 


210 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


Fig.  53.     Papago  Basket  Maker,  showing  general  position. 
Fig.  54.     Papago  Basket  Maker,  showing  use  of  the  awl. 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


211 


Fig  55.     Papago  Basket  Maker  biting  Sharp  the  Binding  Element. 

Fig.  56.     Papago  Basket  Maker  inserting  the  Binding  Element  in  the  Hole  made  by  the 


Awl. 


212  Anthropological  Papers  A  merican  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XV 


Fig.  57.     Papago  Basket  Maker  tightening  the  Binding  Element. 
Fig.  58.     Pima  Basket  Maker  adding  Foundation  Material. 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


213 


Fig.  59  (50.1-5174,  5176,  5179,  5177,  5182,  5115). 
baskets  of  exceptional  interest. 


Papago  Baskets.      Old  water-tight 


214  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII 


Fig.  60  (50.1-5112,  5181,  5308,  4205,  5280,  5187).  Papago  and  Pima  Baskets:  a,  b,  f, 
Papago;  c,  d,  e,  Pima.  /  is  specially  interesting  as  the  food  tray  of  the  medicineman  of 
Santa  Rosa. 


1916.1 


Kissett,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


215 


216  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


Fig.  62  (50.1-4769,  4770,  4786,  5306,  5185,  5282).     Pima  and  Papago  Baskets,     a,  d,  e,  f 
Pima;   b,  c,  Papago. 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


217 


Fig.  63  (50.1-4109,  4724,  5282,  5175,  50-2748,  50.1-5264).   Pima  Baskets. 


218  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII. 


Fig.  64  (50.1-4045,  4106,   1207,  5254,  5310,  5265).     Papago  and  Pima  Baskets,      a,  6, 
Papago;   c,  d,  e,  /,  Pima. 


1916.] 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


219 


Fig.  65  (50.1-5253,  4103,  4566,  4716,  4717,  5309).     Pima  and  Papago  Baskets:   a,  b,  d.  «,/, 
Pima;    c,  Papago. 


220  A  nthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol .  XV II, 


Fig.JJG  (50.1-5305,  4730,  5329,  5183,  5245,  5256).      Pima  Baskets. 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


221 


Fig.  67  (50.1-4190,  4089,  5197,  4191,  4088,  4065).     Modern  Papago  Baskets. 


222  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII,. 

the  binding  splints  are  narrow  and  the  foundation  coil  slender.  The  greatest 
limitation  comes  from  the  width  of  the  foundation  element,  whose  breadth 
is  troublesome  in  arranging  curves,  which  must  be  built  in  series  of  steps. 
Design  here  is  in  black  and  light  straw  color;  more  usually  a  black  pat 
tern  on  a  light  ground,  as  with  the  Pima,  and  at  times,  the  Papago;  or  a 
light  pattern  on  a  black  ground  as  only  with  the  Papago.  The  decoration 
is  in  line  design,  with  at  times  accented  portions,  producing  a  fine  dark 
and  light  effect  as  seen  in  the  strong  bold  decoration  of  the  Papago.  Con 
stant  trading  and  interchange  between  the  two  tribes  has  mingled  designs, 
making  the  decision  difficult  to  which  tribe  a  design  belongs,  for  often 
designs  from  both  tribes  are  found  on  the  same  basket.  However,  the 


Fig.  68  (50.1-5303,  5113).     Modern  Papago  Baskets. 

general  plan  for  Papago  and  Pima  baskets  is  the  same,  a  base  of  solid 
black,  the  entire  wrall  acting  as  the  field  of  design  which  is  entirely  filled  with 
pattern. 

As  to  the  design  motives,  there  are  several  theories,  both  as  to  the 
origin  and  design  significance.  Dr.  Lumholtz  states  in  his  narrative  of  the 
Papago : — 

That  significance  of  decorative  design  is  almost  entirely  forgotten.  There  is 
only  one  woman  at  the  present  time  who  is  able  to  do  first-class  basket  work  and  she 
cannot  tell  what  the  design  means.1 

Dr.  Russell  on  his  visit  to  the  Pima  records : — 

When  questioned  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  elements  of  these  patterns,  the  basket- 
makers  invariably  replied:  'I  do  not  know;  the  old  women  make  them  this  way. 
They  copied  the  patterns  long  ago  from  the  Hohokam  pottery.' 2 

1  Lumholtz,  Carl.     "New  trails  in  Mexico,"  353. 

2  Russell,    Frank.     Ibid.,    135. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  223 

The  information  given  by  the  older  Papago  and  Pima  women  in  1910-1911 
was  much  the  same  as  the  last,  "  I  do  not  know,  the  old  women  make  them 
so."  None  of  these,  however,  reported  their  being  copied  from  the  old 
pottery,  quite  possibly  the  women  who  so  reported  in  1901-1902  were  gone. 
Besides,  the  copying  has  yet  to  be  proven  by  a  more  intensive  study  of 
collections  of  prehistoric  pottery  from  the  region  in  relation  to  the  basketry 
pattern.  It  may  be  found  that  Papago  design  motives  are  indigenous  — 
survivals  of  an  older  prehistoric  basketry  design.  Their  strong  direct 
simplicity  suggests  this,  but  a  sufficiently  comprehensive  study  has  not 
as  yet  been  made  to  substantiate  this  theory.  It  is  hoped  that  the  Quijotoa, 
Comobabi,  and  Baboquivari  villages  will  yield  up  to  some  future  investigator 
something  of  value  on  this  lore. 

Although  the  older  women  furnished  the  above  report,  some   of    the 


Fig.  69  (50.1-5194).     Modern  Papago  Basket. 

younger  and  more  commercially  inclined  gave  names  to  the  more  common 
designs.  To  all  appearances  these  women  had  responded  to  the  questions 
of  travelers,  who  for  years  have  been  visiting  here,  for  the  meanings  of  these 
patterns,  and  were  reading  into  them  modern  names,  such  as  recorded  in  the 
lists  below. 

Dr.  Lumholtz  lists  the  following  Papago  design  names:— 
Dog  tracks,  Fig.  65a,  b,  c. 
Saguara,  Fig.  67ab, 
Turtle,  Fig.  62a. 
Martynia,  Fig.  65ab, 
Juice-falling-from-saguara-fmit,  Fig.  60a. 

Dr.  Russell's  list  of  Pima  design  names  is  as  follows:— 
Atcuta  —  black  center  of  all  baskets. 


224  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

Kakiopins  —  "crossed  lines." 

Kamketcit—  "turtle,"  Fig.  62a,  b. 

Mavspitchita  —  "locked  together." 

Moumvitcka  —  "  triangular,"  "  terrace,"  Fig.  63. 

Opumusult  —  "parallel  lines  doubling  upon  themselves,"  Fig.  60d,  e. 

Pan  ika  kita  —  "  coyote  tracks,"  Fig.  65a,  b,  c. 

Sa-si—  "figured." 

Sihitalduwutcim  —   "  whorled,"  "  spiral,"  Figs.  65d,  c,  f,  64  c. 

Sisitcutcufik  —  "  very  much  figured,"  Fig.  66e,  f . 

Stoa  — "white." 

Supeputcim  kakaitoa  —  "striped  with  black  and  white." 

Tasita  —  "set"  or  swastika. 

Tcoho-otcilt  —  "  crooked  lines"  or  fret,  Fig.  60c. 

To  these  lists  must  be  added  a  Pima  name  for  a  more  recent  design,  not 
present  fifty  years  ago,  the  "squash  blossom"  —Fig.  66a,  b,  c,  and  one 
given  by  the  Papago  to  the  design  Dr.  Lumholtz  reports  as  "juice  falling 
from  saguara  fruit,"  that  of  "deer  tracks  in  woods,"  of  which  Fig.  60a, 
shows  a  simple  rendering  of  a  design  with  a  number  of  more  elaborate  forms 
produced  by  folding  and  doubling  the  long  continuous  line.  The  design 
"dog  tracks"  is  the  same  as  "coyote  tracks,"  and  the  design  "turtle"  is 
quite  similar,  but  composed  of  more  rectangular  spottings,  and  quite  fre 
quently  enclosed  in  a  square,  or  covers  an  entire  basket.  One  hears  so 
frequently  the  design  names,  "coyote  tracks,"  "turtle,"  "martynia," 
"crooked  lines,"  "terrace,"  "squash  blossom"  that  one  is  forced  to  believe 
that  these  designs  have  been  so  designated  for  many  years. 

An  interesting  transition  stage  is  at  present  in  process  in  the  art  of  these 
people,  both  as  to  shape  and  design,  owring  to  the  influence  of  civilization: 
new  shapes  suited  to  the  life  of  civilized  man,  and  new  designs  due  to  his 
call  for  a  meaning  to  the  patterns.  In  response  to  this  influence  the  Pima 
have  greatly  altered  the  shape  of  their  baskets,  so  that  curio  shops  are  filled 
with  the  novel  forms,  waste-paper  basket  shapes,  and  large  olla  jars,  beside 
a  variety  of  smaller  baskets,  upon  which  are  worked  their  old  motives. 
These  are  not  exact  copies,  but  parts  chosen  from  the  old  patterns  and 
repeated  in  other  ways,  and  often  in  a  careless  manner.  To  these  are  added, 
through  the  encouragement  of  traders,  two  other  motives,  the  human  form 
and  that  of  animals.  The  Papago  have  introduced  into  their  modern 
baskets,  new  material,  new  shapes,  as  well  as  hew  designs.  But  instead  of 
arranging  bits  of  their  old  patterns  in  a  different  way  as  did  the  Pima, 
they  have  for  the  last  ten  or  more  years  been  inventing  fresh  motives,  based 
upon  objects  in  their  surroundings.  Desert  plant  life  has  furnished  many 
motives;  the  giant  saguara  is  represented  by  a  simple  shaft  (Fig.  69)/or 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  225 

branched  on  one  side  (Fig.  67b)  or  branched  on  both  sides  (Fig.  67a) ;  other 
cacti  by  a  symmetrically  balanced  figure  with  the  branches  turning  up,  and 
others  with  branches  turning  down;  a  general  plant  form  with  a  central 
stem  and  two  balanced  triangular  shapes  for  leaves;  yucca  spines  by  a 
quadrilateral  figure  with  a  fringe  of  vertical  points.  Animal  life  is  por 
trayed  in  designs  of  men  and  women  (Fig.  68b);  horses,  dogs  (Fig.  68b), 
deer,  deer  trail,  coyote  tracks  (Fig.  67f),  rat  roads  and  horned  toad  (Fig.  67d) ; 
the  heavens  by  three  stars  (Fig.  69) ;  the  fields  by  a  design  showing  ground 
fenced  in;  and  various  other  representations  show  roads,  benches,  stairs, 
steps,  lightning  (Fig.  67e),  monuments,  kiaha  frame,  smoke,  fire,  and  arrow 
points  (Fig.  67c).  One  Pima  tray  was  collected  from  an  old  woman  who 
was  inventing  her  designs.  Fig.  68a  shows  this  tray  with  the  design  "night 
and  stars."  This  example  is  a  contrast  in  technic  and  careful  planning  of 
design  to  the  cruder  Papago  design,  whose  new  type  of  pattern  has  not  as 
yet  reached  a  developed  stage. 

Further  consideration  of  pattern  in  connection  with  the  units  of  design, 
their  treatment  and  arrangement,  together  with  a  description  of  the  figures 
illustrating  Papago  and  Pima  coiled  basketry  will  be  found  in  another 
section  of  this  paper  (p.  255). 

LACE  COILING. 

Decidedly  unlike  foundation  coil  with  its  two  elements  is  lace  coil,  an 
openwork  texture  constructed  of  one  element  which  corresponds  in  a  way 
to  the  binder  of  the  last  technic.  Crude  coil  had  only  one  element  but  it 
served  the  two  functions,  a  groundwork  and  a  uniter.  .Here  the  foundation 
is  entirely  lacking  and  only  the  binder  is  present,  but  it  unites  by  such  a 
method  as  to  form  a  surface  without  a  groundwork.  In  some  regions  the 
technic  is  of  stiff  materials,  when  Mason  styles  it  "cyclodial,"  in  others,  it  is 
of  soft  fiber,  strips  of  palm  leaf,  thong,  or  sinew,  when  it  is  named  by  the 
same  author  "buttonhole  coil,"  and  "coil  without  foundation."  Techni 
cally,  these  three  are  identical,  since  their  only  difference  is  one  of  name; 
and  the  last  term  is  the  best  since  it  more  tersely  describes  the  method  of 
putting  together.  Another  shorter  and  equally  appropriate  name  is  the 
one  used  here,  lace  coil,  since  its  technic  is  that  of  point  lace.  Hence,  lace 
coiling  is  a  basketry  technic  of  much  significance,  not  only  in  its  usefulness 
as  a  maker  of  openwork  bags,  carrying  frames,  garments,  and  headgear, 
both  utilitarian  and  ceremonial,  but  also  in  its  relation  to  the  technic  of 
lace  making,  for  basketry  lace  coil  is  the  crude  beginning  of  modern  point 
lace.  It  is  of  moment  that  this  open  texture  of  native  string,  from  peoples 
of  lower  culture,  has  been  carried  into  civilized  life  in  needle-point  lace, 


226 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


done  in  thread  by  the  peasants  of  Europe.  At  this  point  basketry  and 
lacework  meet,  for  the  one  element  in  basketry  lace  coil  and  that  of  the 
simplest  point  lace,  are  manipulated  with  the  same  spiral  movement  (Figs. 
70-71). 

The  one  flexible  element  in  lace  coil,  like  the  binder  of  foundation  coil, 


Fig.  70  (50.1-5150,  5237).     a,  Plain  Lace  Coil;   b,  Twisted  Lace  Coil;    c,  Elaborate  Lace  Coil. 


advances  about  the  bag,  basket,  garment,  or  cap  in  a  large  continuous  spiral ; 
and  likewise  while  following  this  larger  movement,  it  unites  the  adjacent 
rounds  of  the  technic  by  looping  itself  in  a  small  secondary  spiral  into  the 
previous  round  of  the  technic.  In  this  looping,  the  smaller  spiral  may  move 
in  a  plain  coil,  or  it  may  twist,  interlace,  or  knot  while  so  doing,  giving  rise 
to  different  types  of  lace  coiling.  The  Pima  and  Papago  practise  but  two 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


227 


of  these:  plain  lace  coil  (Fig.  70a),  and  twisted  lace  coil  (Fig.  70b,  center). 
This  last  varies  slightly  from  the  simple  looping  described  above,  by  a 
wrapping  about  the  upright  portion  of  each  loop,  before  passing  to  the  next. 
Although  the  one  element  in  lace  coil  is  fundamentally  so  like  the  binding 
element  of  foundation  coil,  the  two  technics  as  found  in  this  region,  differ 
both  in  the  direction  of  the  movement  and  in  the  method  of  building.  The 
direction  of  the  movement  in  lace  coil  is  towards  the  right,  or  clockwise,  in 
what  seems  to  be  the  most  natural  direction  with  right-handed  people,  for 
the  manipulation  of  one  element  with  the  right  hand  would  more  easily 


Fig.  71.     Lace  Coiling  showing  Elaborate  Design. 

progress  toward  the  right;  but  in  foundation  coil  the  movement  is  towards 
the  left,  or  counter-clockwise.  Foundation  coil  is  built  up  from  below,  each 
segment  of  the  spiral  rising  above  the  last;  lace  coil  is  usually  suspended 
during  the  making  and  worked  downward,  each  segment  of  the  spiral  de 
scending  as  the  work  progresses  (Figs.  70-71 ) .  Another  difference  in  technic 
is  the  interlocking  of  adjoining  spirals  in  lace  coil  and  its  absence  in  the 
binder  of  the  foundation  coil. 

The  distribution  of  lace  coiling  is  a  wide  one  as  it  is  met  with  in  the  tropi- 


228  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

cal  and  semi-tropical  regions  of  North  and  South  America,  Africa,  and  many 
of  the  Pacific  Islands  where  soft  fiber  plants,  and  raphia  palms  grow.  How 
ever,  it  is  not  limited  to  the  habitat  of  these  plants,  but  has  a  scattered 
distribution  far  to  the  north  and  south,  not  only  where  fibers  of  various 
kinds  are  found,  but  where  animals  furnish  thong  and  sinew  for  its  construc 
tion.  In  the  hot  lands  of  Africa,  the  technic  most  commonly  fashions  caps, 
fetishes,  masks,  armour  suits,  and  bags;  in  the  warm  countries  of  America 
and  the  Pacific  Islands,  soft  bags  and  carrying  frames ;  in  colder  countries, 
game  rings,  travois,  saddle  bags,  game  bags,  ceremonial  headdresses,  and 
even  blankets.  Still,  in  the  wide  distribution  of  this  technic,  nowhere  is  it 
found  in  the  beautiful  designs  which  appear  on  the  lace  carrying  frames  and 
bags  of  the  Indians  of  southern  Arizona  and  northern  Mexico. 

In  olden  days  the  women  of  this  region  were  the  bearers  of  burdens, 
either  in  the  kiaha  on  the  back;  or  in  the  basket,  the  bundle,  or  the  olla 
upon  the  head.  To  assist  in  carrying  their  loads  on  the  back,  they  con 
structed  the  conical  shaped  kiaha,  or  carrying  frame,  of  lace  coiling  (Figs. 
75-81).  One  early  writer  describes  it  as  a  "singular  piece  of  framework 
made  of  poles  with  netting  for  carrying  on  the  back  and  seen  in  every  wig 
wam  to  answer  the  purpose  of  wheelbarrow."  l  Since  the  advent  of  the 
horse  among  the  Papago  and  Pima,  the  kiaha  is  not  in  such  constant  use 
as  formerly.  It  was  almost  indispensable  as  a  carrier  for  all  manner  of 
things  and  there  was  hardly  a  home  without  one.  In  its  light  but  strong 
frame  were  carried  fuel,  food,  and  the  materials  for  various  manufactures. 
One  day  it  might  be  piled  with  firewood,  the  desert  mesquite;  another, 
with  beans,  squashes,  and  grains;  and  still  a  third  wTith  grasses  for  baskets, 
reed  for  mattings,  and  fiber  for  kiahas;  while  on  top  of  any  of  these  loads 
might  be  seen  an  infant  strapped  in  its  basket  cradle.  Today,  the  kiaha 
is  not  an  uncommon  object  in  the  out-of-the-way  villages,  where  one  can 
catch  frequent  glimpses  of  burden  bearers  bringing  home  their  kiahas 
loaded  with  firewood,  grain,  beans,  and  other  produce;  or  can  observe  the 
empty  carrier  leaning  against  the  house  wall,  or  propped  by  a  post  of  the 
shed-arbor,  or  even  tossed  upon  the  roof  itself. 

Papago  material  for  lace  coiling  is  furnished  by  the  great  leaves  of  the 
agave  (Agave  sp.),  and  that  formerly  used  by  the  Pima  was  the  maguey,  a 
species  of  agave.  These  fleshy,  spiny-leafed  plants  grow  in  the  higher  hills, 
and  are  in  perfect  condition  for  yielding  fiber  in  the  rainy  season,  so  it  is 
obtained  then.  The  best  leaves  are  the  soft  inner  ones  next  to  the  central 
stem,  which  are  gotten  with  much  difficulty,  for  they  must  be  knocked  off 
with  a  heavy  stick.  The  leaves  are  done  into  a  bundle  and  carried  home 

1  Bartlett,  "Personal  Narrative,"  II,  236. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  229 

on  the  head,  or  are  packed  into  the  kiaha  and  carried  on  the  back.  The 
Papago  and  Pima  construct  only  one  article  of  lace  coiling,  their  kiaha, 
or  carrying  frame.  As  it  was  in  constant  use  before  the  advent  of  the  horse, 
much  fiber  was  needed  for  its  manufacture.  The  fiber  gatherers  then  went 
to  the  hills  in  parties,  instead  of  singly  as  now,  since  the  demand  for  fiber 
has  dwindled  with  the  passing  of  the  kiaha,  and  individual  women  can 
secure  the  scant  supply  now  needed. 

Formerly,  the  fiber  was  prepared  on  the  hills  before  returning,  since 
fiber  was  lighter  to  carry  home  than  the  heavy  leaves.  For  the  preparation 
of  the  fiber,  fires  were  built  in  pits,  the  hot  coals  drawn  out,  and  the  thick 
leaves  laid  in  their  place,  to  roast  over  night.  The  skin  and  pulp  from  the 
softened  leaves  were  then  scraped  off  with  deer  scapulas,  leaving  the  free 
fiber,  wrhich  needed  only  to  be  washed  and  dried.  The  present-day  process 
of  preparation,  substitutes  for  the  pit  fire  on  the  hill,  the  open  fire  within 
the  hut.  Over  this  the  leaves  are  put  to  boil,  or  laid  in  the  hot  ashes  to 
bake  and  when  quite  soft  they  are  scraped  to  clear  the  fiber,  which  is 
then  washed  and  bleached  two  or  three  days  in  the  sun  (Fig.  72b). 

The  spinning  of  the  fiber  in  early  days  was  also  a  social  event,  when  a 
number  of  women  assembled  for  that  purpose.  Xow  neighbors  may  gather, 
but  seldom  is  there  more  than  one  woman  of  the  group  who  is  spinning. 
This  she  accomplishes  not  with  the  spindle,  but  on  the  bare  leg,  formerly 
on  the  bare  thigh,  but  now  on  the  leg  just  belowr  the  knee,  for  modern 
clothing  makes  the  first  an  impossibility.  The  spinner  sits  on  the  ground 
with  her  left  leg  under  her,  and  her  right  so  bent  as  to  be  of  service  during 
the  spinning.  On  this  she  places  two  strands  of  fiber  with  her  left  hand, 
and  with  the  palm  of  the  right,  rolls  the  two  simultaneously  away  from  her, 
thus  giving  them  a  hard  twist.  These  two  tightly  twisted  strands  are 
released  by  slightly  raising  the  hand,  and  then  bringing  it  lightly  toward  her, 
thus  uniting  and  twisting  the  two  strands  into  a  two-ply  cord,  by  rolling 
in  an  opposite  direction  (Fig.  72a).  Spinning  between  the  palms,  or  on 
some  part  of  the  leg,  is  widespread  among  peoples  of  lower  culture,  especially 
for  the  twisting  of  vegetable  fibers. 

The  tools  for  converting  fiber  cord  into  this  widely  distributed  technic, 
show  a  great  diversity  in  the  many  localities.  At  times  only  natural  tools 
are  employed,  as  the  fingers,  at  others  a  cylindrical  mesh  stick  or  a  needle, 
the  first  being  especially  serviceable  when  an  open  texture  is  in  process  of 
construction,  and  the  last  when  a  close  one.  Needles  range  from  those 
furnished  by  the  animal  kingdom,  as  a  pierced  fish  bone,  a  hollow  flange 
of  the  front  limbs  of  the  pteropos,  or  some  other  bone,  as  in  New  Guinea 
and  other  Pacific  Islands,1  to  those  furnished  by  the  vegetable  kingdom,  as 

1  G.  A.  J.  Vander  Sande,  "Nova  Guinea,"  III,  184. 


230  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

the  Mexican  bamboo  needle  with  pierced  eye,  or  the  long  splinter  palm 
midrib  needle  from  tropical  Africa,  with  one  end  sharpened  for  the  point, 
and  the  eye  end  beaten  to  a  fiber,  so  that  it  may  be  attached  to  the  cord  it  is 
to  carry  by  being  twisted  with  it. 


Fig.  72  (50.1-5293,  5148).     Agave  Cord  and  Fiber. 

The  Pima  and  Papago  avail  themselves  of  a  number  of  means  for  pushing 
the  cord  through  the  loopings.  The  fingers  only  may  perform  the  work, 
or  a  sharpened  stick,  or  as  has  been  reported  a  thorn  needle  formerly  served 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


231 


this  purpose,  although  no  information  at  this  late  day  corroborated  this 
report.  Years  ago  white  men  brought  to  them  a  new  material  for  needle- 
making,  the  umbrella  with  its  steel  frame.  So  a  bit  of  old  umbrella  rib  now 
furnishes  material  for  most  of  the  needles  for  lace  coiling.  A  bit  of  the  rib 
with  one  of  the  little  eyelets  attached  which  earlier  fastened  the  umbrella 
cover  to  its  frame  is  first  broken  off,  one  end  is  then  rubbed  down,  and  the 
other  has  the  eyelet  carefully  preserved  for  the  eye  of  the  needle  (Fig.  73a). 
More  recently,  the  Indians  living  nearest  the  cities  have  procured  for  lace 
coiling  the  store-bought  upholsterer's  needle  (Fig.  73b).  The  mesh  stick, 
a  short  cylindrical,  or  flat  rod,  finds  employment  in  some  localities  where 
openwork  lace  coiling  is  made,  since  over  it  the  loops  are  thrown  while 


Fig.  73  (50.1-5239,  5240).     Needles  used  for  Lace  Coiling,  Papago. 
umbrella  rib;  6,  a  store-bought  needle. 


made  from  an 


making,  to  ensure  a  uniformity  of  mesh  when  the  lace  coil  is  of  openwork 
texture.  None  of  these  were  found  among  the  Papago,  or  Pima,  since  here 
the  closeness  of  the  mesh  does  not  necessitate,  or  even  permit,  its  use. 

In  some  regions  an  artificial  support  is  employed  for  suspending  the  work 
during  its  fabrication:  a  post,  or  a  twig,  if  the  shape  is  circular;  a  lathe-like 
stick,  or  a  rod,  if  it  is  rectangular.  The  Pima  and  Papago  use  no  such  sup 
port  for  the  beginning  rounds  of  the  kiaha  although  later  in  the  process  they 
throw  the  beginning  string  over  the  big  toe,  and  this  acts  as  a  stay  for  hold 
ing  the  work,  thus  freeing  both  hands  for  the  management  of  the  cord  loop- 
ings.  Seated  on  the  ground  in  tailor  fashion  the  Indian  woman  first  makes  a 
small  fiber  ring  about  seven  centimeters  in  diameter  and  holding  this  in  her 
left  hand  she  casts  upon  it  the  first  row  of  loops  (Figs.  70,  74).  She  loops 


232  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  [Vol.  XVII, 

•n  second  row  into  the  first  row  and  a  third  into  the  second  and  so  continues 
until  a  few  inches  of  the  work  are  completed  (Fig.  74)  when  extending  one 
foot  she  slips  over  the  big  toe  the  beginning  ring  and  in  this  position  continues 
the  looping,  or  lace  coiling,  until  the  kiaha  is  completed.  Interesting  as  is 
the  simple  looped  string  work,  it  cannot  compare  with  the  elaborate  varia 
tions  of  the  technic  which  occur  on  many  of  the  kiahas  after  the  first  few 
inches  of  plain  looping  are  passed,  for  the  maker  may  vary  the  method  of 
looping  by  catching  the  coil  into  the  previous  round  of  the  work  in  two  differ 
ent  ways,  thus  producing  two  units  of  design  (Fig.  70).  Again  she  may 
vary  the  groupings  of  the  design  unit,  setting  some  close  together,  others 
farther  apart,  for  great  latitude  in  variation  is  possible  in  the  rhythmic 
arrangement  of  the  design  unit  (Figs.  70-71,  74-79). 

That  this  feeling  for  rhythm  is  strong  in  the  Indian  woman  is  shown  in 
the  patterns.  Intuitively,  she  makes  use  of  this  and  other  principles  of 
design :  rhythm,  variation,  subordination,  principles  of  art  which  are  taught 
with  much  labor  to  students  in  the  schools  of  civilized  man;  but  this  Indian 
never  spent  a  day  of  her  life  in  an  art  school.  Originally,  in  all  probability, 
the  variations  evolved  as  the  maker  played  with  her  string  of  fiber,  but  in 
more  recent  days  a  design  was  copied  from  that  made  by  the  mother. 
Today,  few  women  make  only  the  one  pattern  their  mothers  taught  them 
when  girls.  This  is  too  monotonous,  they  like  greater  variety,  and  so  con 
struct  a  number  of  patterns,  but  always  copies  of  some  old  design.  The 
faculty  for  invention  together  with  a  native  appreciation  of  design  must 
have  strongly  influenced  kiaha  art,  while  possibly  a  third  factor  may  have 
been  a  force  in  shaping  it,  namely,  the  intense  holding  of  these  people  to 
certain  ceremonial  ideas  and  religious  beliefs,  for  who  can  tell  what  super 
stitions  have  been  looped  into  the  wonderful  point  lace  kiaha.  Probably 
no  one  will  ever  know  the  meaning  of  these  designs,  since  if  they  have  signi 
ficance,  it  has  long  been  lost  to  the  tribes  through  the  great  influx  of  civi 
lization. 

When  the  point  lace  cover  is  completed,  the  edge  is  bound  by  fiber  cord 
to  a  twig  of  cat's  claw  (Acacia  Greggii)  bent  into  circular  shape  for  the  rim 
(Figs.  75-81).  The  cone  of  lace  with  its  wooden  rim  is  next  fitted  to  a 
spider-like  frame  of  giant  cactus  rib  (Cereus  giganteus),  whose  four  poles  are 
secured  to  the  lace  body  by  a  cord  of  human  hair,  or  of  horsehair,  which  also 
ties  together  the  lower  ends  of  the  poles  at  the  point  of  crossing  just  below 
the  lace  cone  (Figs.  75-81).  A  back  mat  of  plaiting  (see  p.  158),  with  its 
soft  back  pad  of  shredded  bark  slipped  in  where  the  crossed  poles  rest  on 
the  shoulders,  and  a  headband  of  plaiting  (see  p.  164)  must  also  be  firmly 
attached  to  the  kiaha.  There  remains  but  one  other  thing  to  complete  one 
of  the  lightest  and  yet  strongest  of  carry-alls,  a  carrying  frame  so  well  fitted 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  233 

to  the  heavy  loads  these  Indian  women  must  carry.  This  is  the  intensifying 
of  the  lace  design  with  bright-colored  paint  of  indigo  blue  and  red  earth, 
for  any  design  may  be  painted,  and  from  the  applied  color  become  so  changed 
as  to  result  in  a  number  of  variations.  Paint  as  well  as  decorative  fringes 
of  skin  are  also  added  to  the  long  front  frame  poles  of  young  girl's  kiahas. 

During  the  loading  of  the  kiaha  it  stands  on  the  ground  resting  upon  the 
two  front  frame  poles  which  protrude  a  foot  below  the  lace  body,  steadied 
by  a  third  pole,  the  kiaha  stick,  or  helping  stick  as  it  is  sometimes  called 
(Figs.  80-81).  It  is  a  long  slender  rod  with  a  forked  end  provided  for  this 
purpose,  that  it  may  act  as  a  prop  since  its  pronged  end  catches  under  the 
kiaha  rim  and  the  other  rests  on  the  ground.  When  the  kiaha  is  loaded, 
the  woman  gets  down  on  the  ground,  and  shoving  her  back  under  the  front 
of  the  kiaha,  slips  the  carrying  banfl  over  the  crown  of  her  head  (Fig.  80a). 
If  the  load  is  a  heavy  one  she  will  grasp  the  kiaha  rim  with  one  hand  as  she 
helps  herself  to  her  feet  with  the  kiaha  stick  in  the  other  hand.  Should  the 
load  be  light,  it  is  not  necessary  to  steady  the  kiaha,  so  as  she  rises,  she 
grasps  the  kiaha  stick  in  both  hands  (Fig.  81b).  When  the  load  is  well 
balanced  upon  the  head  and  shoulders,  the  kiaha  stick  is  either  thrust  into 
the  front  of  the  load,  or  used  as  a  staff  while  walking.  When  carrying  the 
kiaha  the  Pima  wear  the  hair  parted  with  it  hanging  loosely  to  the  front 
over  each  shoulder  (Fig.  81),  but  as  the  Papago  dress  the  hair  in  two  braids 
a  braid  replaces  the  loose  hair  on  either  shoulder. 

In  abundance  and  variety  of  pattern,  lace  coil  holds  second  place  to 
foundation  coil,  the  technic  which  constructs  numberless  trays  and  bowls; 
kiahas  are  few  in  comparison,  one  for  many  of  the  coiled  wares,  but  these 
few  exhibit  an  elaboration  and  a  delicacy  of  pattern  which  is  unsurpassed. 
The  designs  on  the  figures  here  shown  are  representative  of  patterns  now  in 
use,  of  which  the  greatest  favorites  are  Figs.  76ab,  79ab,  and  78a.  The 
larger  number  of  kiahas  in  use  before  the  introduction  of  the  horse  and  later 
the  wagon,  which  has  lessened  the  need  for  this  transportation  vehicle,  may 
have  furnished  other  designs,  since  the  technic  admits  of  many  variations, 
as  is  seen  on  the  rectangular  bag  shapes  from  farther  south  in  Mexico  and 
South  America.  These  present  other  varieties  in  design  but  not  more 
elaborate  ones,  since  the  lace  coil  patterns  on  the  kiahas  of  this  region  are 
far  in  advance  of  those  from  other  areas. 

The  design  must  be  carefully  planned  from  the  very  beginning,  as  made 
clear  in  Figs.  74  and  70-71,  for  it  is  built  of  the  two  varieties  of  lace  coil,  and 
in  such  a  manner  that  plain  lace  coil  forms  a  close  texture  and  the  twisted 
variety  an  open  one,  and  the  two  interspersed  form  bands  and  figures  at  will. 
Counting  enters  largely  into  this  complicated  pattern  making,  which  begins 
with  some  rhythmic  arrangement  and  unfolds  and  grows  as  the  lace  coiling 


234  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

continues,  widening  from  time  to  time  with  the  enlarging  form  of  the  cone- 
shaped  cover.  It  is  the  entire  surface  of  the  lace  cover  wrhich  serves  as  an 
unbroken  field  of  design,  over  which  the  pattern  is  spread  in  two  types,  the 
encircling  and  the  radiating,  the  last  of  which  is  the  most  common  and 
probably  in  earlier  times,  the  customary  one. 

Usually,  the  radiating  pattern  is  divided  into  four  parts,  as  if  planning 
for  the  four  poles  of  the  frame,  and  on  some  kiahas  the  designs  are  nicely 
fitted  to  the  poles  but  on  others  more  poorly.  At  times  the  four  divisions 
are  strongly  indicated,  as  in  Figs.  75,  76,  and  78a,  and  again  less  noticeably, 
as  in  Figs.  79  and  78b.  These  divisions  are  generally  marked  by  a  shaft 
extending  from  apex  to  rim,  Figs.  78a,  b;  or  part  way  from  the  rim,  Figs. 
76,  77a,  and  79;  or  a  short  distance  from  the  apex,  Fig.  75b.  Fre 
quently  the  shaft  tapers  from  a  wider  'base,  especially  if  rising  from  the 
apex  of  the  kiaha  (Figs.  75b,  78),  but  if  dropped  from  the  rim  it  frequently 
grows  to  spear  shape  (Figs.  76,  77a,  79),  while  again,  but  less  seldom,  it  may 
hold  to  uniform  width  throughout  (Fig.  77b).  The  design  between  the 
shafts  may  be  an  entirely  distinct  unit  in  itself  (Figs.  75a,  76,  77,  78),  or 
the  design  of  quarter  sections  may  be  merged  into  one  pattern  (Figs.  79,  75b). 
If  the  first,  the  enclosed  designs  may  be  formed  by  horizontal  bands  (Fig. 
77b),  oblique  bands  (Fig.  78a),  rows  of  triangles  (Fig.  78b),  balanced 
figures  (Figs.  75,  76,  77) ;  or  the  pattern  may  consist  of  meandering  frets 
(Fig.  79)  (see  later  description  of  kiahas,  p.  234). 

The  addition  of  color  to  these  designs  is  the  finishing  touch,  as  it  intensi 
fies  certain  parts  and  also  allows  a  degree  of  diversification,  since  any  design 
admits  of  a  few  variations  through  the  application  of  color.  When  the  lace 
coiled  covering  is  completed  and  stretched  on  its  frame  the  red  or  blue 
mineral  paint  is  applied  to  the  openwork  bands  only.  An  interesting  ex 
perience  long  to  be  remembered  was  the  gathering  of  three  or  four  Indian 
women  around  an  old  uncolored  kiaha  which  a  Pima  was  supplying  writh  a 
new  rim  stick.  All  wanted  the  kiaha  painted  and  each  suggested  a  different 
design,  and  clamorously  insisted  that  her  design  be  applied. 

The  three  small  centers  of  kiahas  on  Fig.  74  show  the  beginning  of  three 
different  designs  after  the  first  few  rounds  of  lace  coiling  have  been  passed. 
Fig.  74a  is  the  simplest,  but  even  here  a  series  of  short  openwork  lines 
furnishes  a  neat  design;  Fig.  74b  is  a  more  elaborate  one  which  to  this  point 
consists  of  alternate  bands  of  the  two  lace  coils;  Fig.  74c  presents  a  design 
which  radiates  with  already  quite  a  bit  of  the  evolving  pattern  to  be  seen. 

The  simplest  kiaha  design  represented  is  Fig.  78b,  where  the  lace  cover 
ing  is  broken  by  four  vertical  shafts  extending  from  the  apex  to  the  rim, 
thus  dividing  it  into  four  sections.  The  shafts  taper  toward  the  top  from 
a  beginning  of  eleven  plain  loopings  at  the  base  to  four  loops  at  the  rim. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  235 

They  are  edged  on  either  side  by  a  band  of  twisted  lace  coil,  a  second  band 
of  the  plain  coil,  and  a  third  of  the  twisted  coil,  and  these  three  continue 
across  the  apex  to  form  four  large  triangular  spaces  between  the  shafts. 
These  triangular  quarter  sections  are  crossed  by  three  rows  of  smaller 
triangles  of  plain  lace  coil,  outlined  by  the  twisted  coil.  Color  is  introduced 
on  the  open  bands  which  outline  the  quarter  sections,  first  red  and  then  blue; 
and  on  the  horizontal  bands  which  divide  the  rows  of  small  triangles  by  red, 
blue,  and  then  red;  and  on  the  oblique  of  the  smaller  triangles  blue  and  then 
red.  A  child's  kiaha  of  similar  pattern,  but  much  simpler,  shows  two 
circling  bands  of  triangles  without  the  dividing  shafts,  with  the  lower 
triangles  edged  with  blue  and  the  upper  triangles  with  red. 

Slightly  more  complicated  is  the  pattern  of  Fig.  78a,  where  the  four 
shafts  as  before  divide  the  lace  cover.  These  are  edged  with  six  alternating 
bands  of  the  plain  and  twisted  lace  coil  which  continue  across  the  apex  to 
form  the  quarter  sections,  although  here  not  of  triangular  shape  as  before, 
but  quadrilateral  with  a  short  base  line  and  a  longer  top.  Within  this 
quadrilateral  extend  oblique  bands  of  alternating  plain  and  twisted  coil  so 
painted  in  a  very  dark  blue  and  red  as  to  distribute  the  colors  evenly  over 
this  chaste  but  effective  design. 

A  simple  design  is  represented  by  Fig.  75b,  where  the  short  broadly 
tapering  shafts  continue  but  part  way  up  the  covering  and  are  outlined  by 
the  two  varieties  of  lace  coil  in  such  a  manner  as  to  move  in  zigzag  pattern 
about  the  kiaha.  A  shorter  shaft  is  dropped  from  the  rim  to  fill  in  the 
space  left  vacant  by  the  dip  of  the  zigzag,  while  color  is  introduced  in  the 
usual  alternating  lines  thus  accenting  the  zigzags. 

Another  pleasing  design,  illustrated  in  Fig.  77b,  also  has  shafts  that  do 
not  continue  to  the  rim,  with  the  same  manner-Xof  outlining  them  as  well, 
and  in  these  remind  slightly  of  the  last  kiaha  pattern.  The  shafts,  however, 
are  slender  and  remain  of  uniform  width  their  entire  length.  Between  them 
are  grouped  parallel  horizontal  bands  of  the  two  lace  coils,  with  a  short  dip 
at  either  end.  Color  added  in  alternating  red  and  blue  bands  completes 
this  well  balanced  design. 

Figs.  75a  and  76a  are  quite  similar  in  design,  but  differ  in  the  closeness  of 
texture  since  Fig.  75a  is  a  better  made  lace  coiling.  The  two  halves  of  the 
design  within  the  quarter  section  balance,  for  the  shaft  dropped  from  the 
rim  in  spear  shape  is  so  outlined  as  to  produce  forms  quite  like  the  old- 
fashioned  sawhorse,  whose  open  bands  are  painted  alternately  blue  and  red. 

Fig.  76b  is  also  a  balanced  design  and  planned  on  somewhat  similar  lines 
to  the  last  two,  for  the  dropped  arrow-shaped  shafts  extending  from  the  rim 
are  outlined  by  alternating  bands  of  the  two  lace  coils,  but  so  as  to  form  a 
different  figure  with  a  medallion  center  in  appearance,  which  in  reality, 
however,  is  a  fret  motif. 


236  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


1916. 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


237 


Fig.  75.     Kiahas,  Papago. 


238  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


Fig.  76.     Kiahas,  Papago. 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


239 


Fig.  77  (50.1-4645,  5326).     Kiahas,  Papago. 


240 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVI] 


Fig.  78  (50.1-5319,  4529a).     Kiahas. 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


241 


Fig.  79  (50.1-5333,  5320).     Kiahas:    a,  Papago;    b,  Pima. 


242  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


1916.1 


Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry. 


243 


244  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

Another  seemingly  balanced  design  is  that  of  Fig.  77a  with  the  outlining 
bands  of  the  shaft  so  turning  and  winding  as  to  form  a  slightly  similar  design 
to  Fig.  76a,  although  not  so  carefully  and  effectively  planned  or  executed. 
In  reality,  it  is  constructed  of  eight  meandering  double  lines  of  the  two  lace 
coils,  four  short  ones  which  pass  over  a  quarter  of  the  circumference,  and 
four  long  ones  which  cover  half  of  the  circumference.  These,  with  an 
added  short  oblique  dropped  from  the  rim  circle,  complete  the  design. 

A  closer  meander,  but  not  one  of  broken  bands  like  the  last,  is  the 
design  in  Fig.  79a,  b,  constructed  of  three  continuous  double  bands,  three 
close  bands  of  plain  lace  coil  with  three  accompanying  openwork  bands  of 
twisted  coil,  which  outline  the  long  shaft  extending  from  the  rim  before 
doubling  upon  themselves  to  form  a  triangular  fret.  Color  is  added  to 
these  last  two  designs  in  the  usual  manner. 


EVOLUTION  OF  TECHNICS. 

Many  ethnologists  claim  that  basketry  was  one  of  the  earliest  arts  among 
primitive  peoples,  since  grasses,  roots,  and  twigs  could  be  easily  interlaced 
and  twined  into  simple  receptacles.  As  to  the  age  of  the  art  among  the 
Papago  and  Pima  nothing  definite  was  gleaned,  either  of  the  simpler  and 
what  appear  to  be  the  older  types  of  basketry,  or  the  more  complicated. 
That  "  basketry  was  introduced  among  the  Pima  one  hundred  years  ago  by 
the  Maricopa"  is  the  statement  Mason  makes  in  1902,  in  reference  to  the 
coiled  basketry  of  the  Pima.1  Other  reports  from  old  settlers  in  the  Papago 
villages  of  the  Quijotoa  Mountains  and  the  Santa  Rosa  Valley,  the  very 
heart  of  the  present  day  coiled  basketry  industry,  state  that  very  excellent 
baskets  were  made  twenty-five  years  ago,  but  fewer  baskets  than  now,  since 
at  that  time  they  were  constructed  for  Papago  use  only  and  not  for  sale, 
while  now  popular  demand  has  resulted  in  an  active  trade  in  them.  The 
Papago  coiled  ware  of  twenty-five  years  ago  was  more  carefully  made  than 
that  today,  since  much  of  it  was  water-tight,  at  times  serving  as  basket 
buckets  for  drawing  water  from  the  well,  and  as  vessels  for  watering  stock. 
Even  up  to  the  last  few  years  basket  bowls  for  watering  horses  on  the  journey, 
were  strapped  to  the  saddle  and  these,  together  with  the  older  long  bottle- 
shaped  basket  olla,  used  in  pairs,  hung  from  either  side  of  the  horse, 
made  journeying  on  the  desert  less  dangerous.  The  custom  of  burn 
ing  at  death  the  belongings  of  the  deceased,  has  deprived  the  world  of 
many  Papago  and  Pima  baskets.  Good  luck  favored  at  this  time  the  find- 

1  Mason,  O.  T.,  "Aboriginal  American  Basketry"  Nat,  Mus.  Rept.,  1902,  519. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  245 

ing  of  one  old  basket,  for  by  mere  chance  a  discarded  bowl  much  the  worse 
for  wear,  was  discovered  resting  on  a  refuse  heap  back  of  an  Indian  hut 
in  Quijotoa.  On  the  morning  when  this  old  fragment  was  rescued  from  the 
rubbish  heap,  the  prize  of  the  expedition  was  secured,  for  it  had  been  made 
by  a  woman  long  gone,  whose  great,  great  grandchildren,  aged  three  and 
five,  were  sitting  before  the  hut  together  with  relatives  of  three  other  genera 
tions  of  the  basket  maker,  the  oldest  member  of  the  group  being  a  very 
aged  woman.  From  this  old  basket  we  know  exactly  what  degree  of 
perfection  the  art  of  coiling  had  reached  at  the  time  it  was  made,  and  it 
records  the  stage  of  coiled  basketry  five  generations  ago,  both  as  to  technic 
and  design.  The  art  at  that  time  was  advanced,  for  it  had  indeed  reached 
a  high  degree  of  perfection  and  elaboration  (Fig.  61).  The  technic  is  even 
and  water-tight  as  attested  by  the  stitches  near  the  edge  of  the  rim  for 
securing  the  leather  thong  by  which  it  was  suspended  from  the  saddle, 
announcing  that  this  aged  bowl  did  service  on  journeys  for  the  holding  of 
water.  The  design  is  a  two  band  fret  of  complicated  pattern,  and  as  hand 
some  a  Papago  design  as  the  writer  has  ever  seen. 

One  point  of  interest  connected  with  the  age  of  coiled  basketry  is  brought 
up  by  the  small  plaited  center  or  beginning.  Coiled  ware  of  most  tribes 
is  begun  by  bunching  together  a  bit  of  basket  material,  and  turning  it  to 
make  a  small  ring,  and  then  binding  it,  and  the  coiling  worked  into  this 
ring.  Here  the  small  center  is  plaited,  which  raises  the  question,  Is  this 
the  result  of  plaiting  being  the  older  technic,  and  was  this  small  plaited 
center  borrowed  from  the  earlier  technic? 

Leaving  the  age  of  the  different  Papago-Pima  basketry  technics,  until 
further  information  gives  more  light  on  the  subject,  we  will  pass  to  a  dis 
cussion  on  the  possible  evolution  of  two  technics  in  the  area,  which  to  all 
appearances  have  passed  from  a  simpler  to  a  more  complex  form.  It  is 
unnecessary  at  this  time,  to  expand  upon  the  wonderful  inventive  faculty 
possessed  by  man  of  lower  culture,  as  displayed  in  the  development  of  his 
handiwork.  That  has  already  been  vividly  pictured  in  the  introductory 
chapter  of  "Origins  of  Invention."  l  Nevertheless,  with  each  new  instance 
of  his  skill  and  creative  power,  one  marvels  anew,  and  so  here,  one  wonders 
not  only  at  the  surprising  dexterity  of  these  Indian  women,  but  also  at  their 
mental  activity  in  thinking  out  these  technics,  for  which  they  need,  what 
they  seem  to  possess, —  well-developed  perceptive  faculties  and  a  remarkable 
"scholarship  of  the  senses."  Two  technics  in  the  region  are  found  in  two 
successive  stages,  lattice  wrapped  weave  and  foundation  coil,  that  appear 
to  connect  up  in  a  varying  series  either  of  progression  or  retrogression, 

1  Mason,  O.  T.,  "Origins  of  Invention." 


246  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

although  no  positive  proof  has  been  found  that  they  have  evolved,  or 
declined  here. 

The  simplest,  and  in  all  probability  the  earliest  technic  in  the  region  is 
wrapped  weaving,  a  basketry  construction  very  near  to  fundamental  needs, 
when  wants  were  primitive  and  the  demand  for  objects  to  assist  in  the 
protection  and  storage  of  foods,  etc.,  was  paramount  (see  p.  140).  Only 
remnants  of  this  old  basket  technic  are  now  to  be  found,  as  the  crude  wrap 
ping  of  a  pliable  binding  element  over  stiff  slats,  arranged  in  parallels,  has 
almost  entirely  disappeared  but  a  few  old  doors  for  huts  and  storage; 
houses,  crude  cages  for  live  birds  and  small  animals,  hanging  shelves  for 
preserving  food  from  marauding  beasts,  and  cradles  for  the  infant,  are 
still  to  be  seen  in  the  out-of-the-way  villages,  where  people  have  held  to  this 
early  mode  of  construction.  Wrapped  wreaving  seems  the  simplest  way  of 
uniting  stiff  slat-like  strips  by  means  of  a  soft  pliable  binding  element,  and 
the  impossibility  of  constructing  wicker  and  twined  weaving  with  these 
materials  (see  p.  134)  must  naturally  have  led  these  people  to  this  third 
type  of  weaving  for  heavy  structures,  since  nothing  but  wrapping  could  be 
done  to  unite  the  unwieldy  material  at  hand.  This  is  accomplished  by  one 
of  two  methods,  a  plain  wrapping,  and  a  latticed  wrapping,  giving  two  varie 
ties  of  the  technic  in  this  region,  both  of  which,  however,  are  becoming 
extinct  (Figs.  1-10). 

The  crudest  form  of  the  simple  variety  constructs  the  native  hair  brush 
(Fig.  8),  an  article  common  to  many  American  tribes  and  made  of  numerous 
materials  including  roots,  stems,  and  leaves  of  various  plants  which  are 
tied,  knotted,  or  woven  together  in  a  number  of  technics  with  a  binding 
element  of  fiber,  fiber  cord,  or  just  a  strip  of  cloth,  or  leather.  The  technic 
here  is  most  elementary,  merely  wrapping  and  then  fastening  a  bunch  of 
grass,  roots,  or  fiber,  at  times  roughly,  at  others,  more  skilfully.  A  step  in 
advance  is  the  more  perfect  wrapping  found  on  larger  forms,  such  as  doors 
and  sieves,  where  the  technic  has  developed  and  taken  such  form  as  to  be 
dignified  as  basketry  wrapped  weave,  since  the  rods,  or  slats,  act  as  separate 
warp  elements,  laid  in  a  parallel  series,  and  wrapped  singly  by  the  binding 
element,  or  weft  (Fig.  1). 

Moving  on  from  the  simple  wrapped  weaving  to  a  second  technic,  which 
apparently  is  found  here  in  two  stages  of  development,  we  come  to  a  more 
elaborate  type,  lattice  wrapped  weaving  (see  p.  141),  which  exhibits  an  inter 
esting  advance,  ostensibly  conceived  through  the  uniting  of  the  principles 
involved  in  simple  wrapped  weave  and  in  a  crude  knotting  employed  over 
latticed  elements  in  house  construction.  The  walls  of  Papago  and  Pima 
grass  huts  are  built  of  a  parallel  series  of  rods,  or  stems,  placed  vertically 
and  crossed  at  right  angles  by  horizontal  parallels  placed  both  on  the  outside 


1916.J  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  247 

and  inside  at  short  distances  apart.  These  are  tied  or  knotted  together  at 
intervals  by  a  fresh  young  willow  twig  while  green  and  with  its  leaves  still 
on,  or  by  a  leaf  of  the  Spanish  bayonet  beaten  slightly  to  soften  it,  that  it 
may  be  more  pliable  and  tie  easily  (Fig.  9).  Lattice  wrapped  weaving 
adopts  the  lattice^!  elements  of  house  construction,  and  the  uniting  agent 
of  wrapped  weave. 

The  second  technic  which  appears  to  have  evolved  in  the  region  is  foun 
dation  coiling,  represented  in  two  different  stages  by  two  distinct  coils,  an 
undeveloped  variety  (Figs.  27,  28),  and  a  fully  developed  one  (Figs.  34,  59- 
66).  Foundation  coil  in  its  simplest  stage  is  so  rough  in  appearance  that 
one  wonders  what  this  brush-like  structure  can  be,  as  it  seems  but  a  tangle 
of  stems  which  might  possibly  have  grown  so  (Fig.  27).  But  this  mass  of 
twigs  with  so  unprepossessing  an  aspect  has  a  definite  method  of  construc 
tion  which  forms  a  crude  coiled  ware,  the  simplest  basket  work  coiling  now 
known  (see  p.  172).  The  technic  is  most  elementary,  for  it  is  built  of  one 
element  which  supplies  the  functions  of  the  two  elements  in  fully  developed 
foundation  coil,  a  foundation  and  a  binder.  It  is  unique  how  the  serving 
of  two  distinct  functions  is  accomplished  by  the  one  element  composed  of 
separate  twigs,  which,  however,  does  not  construct  a  strong,  or  a  durable 
structure,  but  one  which  must  be  made  new  each  year.  It  could  not  possibly 
be  strong  as  there  is  no  true  foundation,  and  the  single  element  is  also 
engaged  in  the  uniting  process;  neither  is  there  a  true  binding  element  as 
it  must  serve  also  as  a  supporting  layer;  and  also  it  is  only  loosely  secured 
by  the  two  extremities  of  the  twig,  the  stem  end  and  the  leaf  end  which 
twist  about  the  last  twig  of  the  round  in  process,  without  entering  the 
previous  round  other  than  a  loose  thrust  into  it.  Still,  it  is  astonishing  how 
well  the  basket  granary  which  it  builds  hangs  together  even  for  a  year  of 
service.  Its  one  element,  like  all  coiled  ware,  moves  in  a  continuous  spiral 
from  base  to  rim,  but  unlike  other  coil  it  has  its  double  function  to  per 
form,  that  of  acting  as  a  foundation,  and  also  as  a  binder  in  uniting  its 
own  adjacent  rounds,  and  as  has  been  shown,  it  does  this  uniting  in  the 
unique  manner  just  described. 

A  decided  step  in  advance  in  foundation  coiling,  is  its  second  stage  of 
evolution,  for  fully  developed  coil  is  composed  of  two  distinct  elements 
with  separate  functions:  a  foundation  with  a  duty  of  its  own  in  furnishing 
the  groundwork,  and  a  binding  element  with  work  of  its  own  to  perform  in 
joining  together  the  groundwork.  Fully  developed  coil,  like  crude  coil,  is 
built  in  a  continuous  spiral  with  its  adjacent  rounds,  or  segments,  united 
into  a  solid  surface;  but  in  contrast  its  two  elements  work  separately, 
although  jointly,  and  so  form  a  firmer,  smoother,  closer,  and  more  durable 
structure  (Figs.  34-35,  59-66),  than  did  coiling  of  one  element.  Foundation 


248  A nthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

coil  of  two  elements  is  seen  in  this  region  in  two  degrees  of  finish :  in  a  coarse 
open  technic  on  granaries  (see  p.  179),  and  in  a  more  refined  and  closer 
technic  on  trays  and  bowls  (see  p.  179).  Both  Papago  and  Pima  construct 
their  technics  in  the  easiest  and  most  natural  way,  crude  coiling  of  one 
element  clockwise,  and  coiling  of  two  elements  counter-clockwise,  when 
due  consideration  is  given  as  to  the  side  desired  for  the  outer,  or  smooth 
surface,  which  with  the  general  run  of  bowls  is  the  outside,  and  with  trays, 
the  inside.  A  seeming  exception  to  the  counter-clockwise  movement  of 
foundation  coil  when  building  large  coarse  granaries  as  seen  in  Fig.  39,  is 
cleared  up  by  noting  that  the  basket  is  entirely  worked  from  the  inside. 

The  natural  order  of  growth  has  been  assumed  in  this  description,  an 
orderly  progression  in  the  "unfolding  of  the  arts  of  life"  as  one  would 
naturally  expect,  from  the  simple  to  the  complex,  the  crude  to  the  more 
refined.  It  seems  normal  to  assume  this,  and  there  is  no  reason  now  known 
why  crude  coiling  should  not  have  found  early  expression  among  the  villages 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  streams  along  which  arro\vbush  grows,  or  that  this 
early  form  of  crude  coiling  might  not  later  have  led  to  the  highly  specialized, 
perfected  coil.  Neither  is  there  any  ground  to  dispute  wyhy  crude  wrapping, 
such  as  we  now  find  on  hair  brushes  and  knotting  on  house  structures, 
should  not  precede  the  more  highly  developed  wrapped  weave  and  lattice 
wrapped  weave.  Still  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  perfected  technics  were 
present  first,  and  that  instead  of  successive  stages  of  advance,  that  there 
were  successive  steps  not  of  deterioration,  but  of  simplification  of  methods 
to  fit  certain  needs.  To  instance,  crude  coil  may  have  appeared  late  among 
the  Pima,  in  response  to  a  need  for  large  granaries  in  which  to  store  the  crops 
when  there  was  not  present  sufficient  pliable  material  for  foundation  coil 
of  two  elements,  and  that  this  led  to  a  further  search  for  material  and  the 
discovery  that  twigs  of  arrowbush  could  be  used  in  this  way.  No  matter 
what  its  origin  may  be,  the  fact  that  it  has  survived  to  this  day,  side  by  side 
with  a  more  perfect  coiling  is  partly  due,  no  doubt,  to  its  great  practical 
value  as  a  speedily  constructed  technic  of  great  use. 

A  further  change  has  come  to  the  coiled  basketry  of  these  tribes  which 
must  be  recorded,  a  gradual  modification  effected  by  the  arrival  of  civiliza 
tion,  which  destines  that  in  the  near  future  there  will  be  a  widespread  knowl 
edge  of  a  different  style  of  coiled  basketry  from  that  which  has  been  described 
in  this  report.  It  has  already  wrought  many  diversifications,  for  civiliza 
tion  is  fast  changing  Indian  customs,  and  old  methods  are  fast  disappearing, 
so  that  these  innovations  which  are  incidents  in  the  history  of  culture  must 
receive  attention.  In  response  to  new  conditions  and  the  call  for  baskets 
to  suit  the  needs  of  civilized  man,  the  Pima  have  furnished  many  new  shapes 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  249 

large  and  small,  foreign  to  the  Indian,  and  the  market  is  flooded  with  waste- 
paper  baskets,  sewing-baskets  and  many  others  whose  design  is  treated 
above  (p.  224).  The  Papago  have  also  responded  to  the  call,  but  not  as 
the  Pima,  for  their  limited  supply  of  material  would  not  permit  it.  Their 
problem  was  not  alone  that  of  furnishing  new  shapes,  but  of  finding  a  new 
basket  material.  Yucca  has  supplied  the  need,  so  that  curio  shops  are  full 
of  Papago  baskets  of  yucca,  mostly  small  and  of  numerous  shapes. 


DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN  PAPAGO  AND  PIMA  COILED  BASKETRY. 

Distinctive  differences  between  the  coiled  basketry  of  the  linguistically 
related  Pima  and  Papago  tribes  has  not  to  my  knowledge  been  previously 
noted,  or  if  so,  there  is  no  record  of  such  in  print.  The  terms  "Pima 
basketry,"  and  "Papago  basketry,"  seem  to  be  used  interchangeably  by 
most  anthropologists  and  collectors,  as  covering  one  group  of  coiled  ware 
with  the  conventional  black  fret  designs.  Even  in  our  museums  it  is  not 
unusual  to  find  cases  bearing  the  label  "Pima  and  Papago  basketry,"  in 
which  are  assembled  indiscriminately,  coiled  ware  from  both  tribes.  In 
many  instances  these  cases  contain  few  if  any  Papago  baskets,  since  col 
lectors  have  secured  their  material  from  small  dealers,  who  do  not  know  the 
Papago  basket,  or  if  they  have  obtained  them  on  a  "from  hut  to  hut  canvas" 
among  Papago  villages,  they  have  neglected  to  inquire  as  to  the  maker  of 
each  basket,  else  they  would  have  detected  that  side  by  side  in  these  huts 
is  coiled  ware  from  both  tribes.  That  this  should  have  escaped  the  investi 
gator  is  not  strange,  since  a  hasty  inspection  would  not  reveal  that  desert 
conditions  had  been  agents  of  Indian  trade,  and  that  an  extensive  traffic 
had  brought  many  Pima  basket  trays  and  bowls  to  the  Papago,  who  style 
them  "baskets  from  the  other  country."  Scarcity  of  basket  material  for 
making  their  own  coiled  ware  demanded  trading  either  in  the  raw  material, 
or  the  finished  basket  and  in  many  cases  the  last  was  found  preferable. 
When  this  mingling  of  coiled  ware  from  both  tribes  was  first  perceived  in 
Papagueria,  and  when  it  was  noted  that  a  distinct  designation, "  baskets 
from  the  other  country,"  was  given  to  Pima  baskets,  a  careful  study  was 
immediately  begun  of  all  coiled  ware  in  use  in  and  about  the  Papago  huts, 
with  special  reference  to  differences  which  might  exist.  A  diversity  proved 
to  be  the  case,  for  a  marked  differentiation  was  found  between  the  baskets 
of  the  two  tribes.  The  discovery  of  a  variance  remained  for  an  intensive 
study  of  their  textile  arts,  research  which  showed  without  a  doubt,  that 
the  coiled  basketry  of  each  tribe  has  distinguishing  characteristics,  each  a 
distinct  place  of  its  own  among  that  of  other  basket-making  peoples  of  lower 


250  Anthropological  Papers. 4  merican  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII. 

culture.  These  facts  of  difference  which  were  obtained  with  persevering 
inquiry  are  the  subject  of  this  chapter,  but  their  discussion  will  exclude  the 
newer  baskets  made  for  sale  (see  p.  224). 

Coiling  is  the  basketry  technic  by  which  these*  people  are  known,  for 
"Pima  and  Papago  basketry"  means  to  the  world  their  light  colored  trays 
and  bowls  with  the  black  fret  designs.  That  coiling  should  be  thus  singled 
out  to  receive  this  distinction  is  not  strange  since  it  is  their  most  elaborate 
technic.  The  quality  of  the  materials  employed  in  its  manufacture;  their 
painstaking  gathering  and  preparation;  the  fineness,  closeness,  and  perfec 
tion  of  workmanship  in  its  construction  receive  only  just  recognition  in 
giving  this  technic  first  place  in  their  basketry.  So  it  is  the  technic  best 
suited  to  be  chosen  by  these  people  upon  which  to  devote  their  leisure  time 
in  perfecting  and  decorating.  It  was  a  technic  upon  which  to  impress 
individuality;  hence,  the  importance  of  the  difference  in  Papago  and  Pima 
coiled  basketry  as  a  possible  factor  in  the  cultural  differentiation  of  these 
tribes. 

To  fully  appreciate  certain  qualities  in  the  Papago  and  Pima  coiled  ware 
a  hasty  survey  of  the  two  habitats  (p.  127)  will  be  helpful,  since  environment 
is  one  factor,  and  a  strong  one,  in  occasioning  dissimilarity  (p.  139).  The 
Papago  in  their  foothill  villages  are  surrounded  by  a  harsh,  dry,  spiny  vege 
tation  which  has  made  use  of  innumerable  means  for  preserving  moisture, 
enlarging  stems  and  leaves  for  the  storage  of  water,  coating  the  plant 
surface,  and  shrinking  leaves  to  small  size,  to  spines,  and  to  nothingness  to 
prevent  evaporation,  all  to  little  avail,  since  plant  life  has  so  slight  an  amount 
of  moisture  and  flexibility  that  but  one  suitable  binding  material  for  coiled 
ware  is  present,  the  black  martynia.  The  Pima  along  the  few  desert  streams 
which  furnish  a  scattering  of  willow  and  cottonwood,  use  these  materials 
for  their  coiled  ware  in  preference  to  martynia  which  also  grows  in  the 
region,  since  splints  from  the  willow  and  cottonwood  twigs  are  more  easily 
prepared  than  are  splints  from  martynia  pod-hooks.  So  the  Pima  make  a 
basket  of  willow  or  cottonwood,  only  using  martynia  for  the  design  while 
the  Papago  very  frequently  make  a  basket  of  martynia  with  willow  design. 
When  the  basket  is  of  willow,  the  design  is  woven  in  an  exceptionally  heavy 
pattern  of  martynia.  The  relation  to  the  environment  is  here  felt  since  the 
supply  of  martynia  gives  Papago  baskets  a  dominance  of  dark  over  light, 
as  the  Papago  with  a  minor  exception,  must  procure  their  binding  material 
from  elsewhere;  while  the  supply  of  willow  and  cottonwood  give  Pima 
baskets  a  dominance  of  light  over  dark  for  tHe  reason  given  above  (see 
p.  139).  Another  difference  partially  dependent  upon  environment  is  that 
of  build,  which  results  from  a  diversity  in  foundation  materials :  the  Papago 
have  the  harsh  beargrass  which  builds  a  stiff  unyielding  structure,  but  one 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  251 

of  great  durability,  because  of  the  strength  of  beargrass;  the  Pima  are 
provided  with  the  softer  cat-tail  which  builds  a  more  pliable,  but  less  durable 
basket  (see  pp.  139  and  195). 

Aside  from  dissimilarity  in  dark  and  light,  and  in  qualities  of  build 
which  seem  dependent  upon  environmental  influences,  the  coiled  ware  of  the 
tribes  shows  marked  variance  in  shape,  as  discerned  in  the  outlines  of 
Papago  bowls  and  trays  in  Fig.  44  and  those  of  the  Pima  in  the  same  figure. 
The  bowls  differ  most  conspicuously  as  the  Papago  take  on  a  more  or  less 
globular  shape;  the  forms  are  broader  in  proportion,  that  is,  their  width 
exceeds  their  height  to  a  greater  degree  than  the  Pima;  the  wall  is  more 
nearly  perpendicular  without  the  great  spread  of  the  Pima;  the  base  is 
broad  and  flat ;  the  outline  curves  rounding,  all  adding  to  the  general  substan 
tial  appearance  (Figs.  44,  59a,  d).  Pima  bowls  are  more  bell-shaped;  the 
forms  of  greater  height  and  more  slender  proportion ;  the  walls  more  oblique, 
the  rim  extending  far  out  beyond  the  supporting  base;  the  base  small  and 
rounding;  and  the  outline  curves  oval  and  upspringing  (Figs.  44,  63a,  and 
65d).  The  trays  show  the  same  contrast  as  to  form,  but  in  a  less  degree, 
since  the  low  tray  form  restricts  variation.  Papago  trays  when  compared 
with  Pima  are  slightly  deeper  in  proportion  to  width,  the  slant  of  the  wall, 
although  oblique,  is  at  a  narrower  angle  owing  to  the  broader,  flatter  base, 
while  the  outline  is  less  likely  to  be  in  double  curves  (Fig.  44). 

Could  we  handle  these  baskets  we  would  find  diverse  qualities  in  build 
not  yet  accounted  for.  Papago  ware,  especially  the  bowls,  is  thicker  in 
wall  (Figs.  59b  and  65c),  more  firm  and  hard,  owing  to  a  tighter  drawing 
of  the  binding  element  (Fig.  59b),  and  more  irregular  in  the  segments  of  the 
binder  (Figs.  59a  and  61),  than  are  the  coiled  baskets  of  the  Pima  whose 
walls  are  thinner  (Fig.  65a)  and  more  smooth  and  even  (Figs.  63  and  65). 

Comparing  the  coiled  ware  of  the  two  tribes  for  aesthetic  differences  one 
is  first  impressed  by  the  strong  feeling  for  large  masses  of  dark  and  light  on 
Papago  baskets  (Figs.  59a,  b,  d,  f,  62c,  64a,  b),  and  a  feeling  for  line  on  the- 
Pima,  which  is  expressed  in  a  network  of  black.  The  massing  of  dark  and 
light  on  the  Papago  ware  is  produced  in  a  number  of  ways :  by  the  grouping 
of  lines  as  in  Figs.  59b,  c,  d,  e;  or  by  a  greater  width  of  the  design  line  as  in 
Figs.  59f,  61,  64a,  b;  or  by  dark  spottings  as  in  Figs.  59b,  d,  62c,  and  65c. 
The  thin  line  tracery  on  the  Pima  baskets  is  effected  by  the  use  of  narrower 
and  more  elaborate  design  lines  than  commonly  found  on  Papago  baskets, 
as  seen  in  Figs.  63  and  66d,  e,  f,  and  when  spottings  occur  as  in  Figs.  60c, 
63,  64d,  and  65d,  e,  f,  they  are  smaller,  adding  a  dramatic  note  to  the  pat 
tern  as  the  bits  of  dark  sparkle  amidst  the  intricate  traceries,  quite  in  con 
trast  to  the  more  dignified  massing  of  darks  by  the  Papago.  A  second 
impression  received  from  these  baskets  is  that  the  Papago  deals  mostly 


252  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

with  horizontal  line  which  give  a  restful  stable  quality  to  the  design  (Fig. 
59).  While  it  is  true  the  Pima  uses  the  horizontal  line  it  is  only  in  a  second 
ary  way,  for  it  is  held  in  subservience  to  a  more  dominant  motif,  an  active 
one,  the  spiral,  or  the  whorl  (Figs.  63  and  65).  Even  many  of  the  rosette 
patterns,  which  appear  to  lack  the  active  note  as  they  are  not  spirally  built, 
have  a  strong  feeling  of  motion  caused  by  a  breaking  by  oblique  lines 
(Fig.  66e,  f). 

On  searching  for  differences  as  exhibited  in  pattern  we  find  the  Papago- 
have  a  number  of  distinct  types  including  the  following:  the  encircling  fret 
(Figs.  61  and  64a,  b);  the  horizontal  band  in  several  arrangements  (Figs. 
59  and  62b,  c);  and  the  vertical  fret  (Fig.  60a,  b).  The  Pima  also  have  a 
number  of  types  including :  the  fret  which  is  quite  unlike  that  of  the  Papago 
(Figs.  60c  and  64d,  e) ;  the  rectangular  whorl  (Figs.  62d,  e,  f  and  63a,  b,  c) ; 
the  triangular  whorl  (Figs.  63d,  e,  f,  64d,  65a,  b);  the  spiral  (Figs.  60e, 
64c,  and  65d,  e,  f) ;  and  the  rosette  (Figs.  64f,  66).  Still  because  pronounced 
differences  have  been  found  in  the  patterns  of  the  tribes,  it  does  not  mean 
that  it  is  always  an  easy  matter  to  differentiate,  since  the  designs  of  the 
two  have  become  mingled  and  exchanged,  and  one  finds  Pima  designs  on 
Papago  baskets  and  likewise  Papago  design  on  Pima  baskets.  Hence,  it  is 
frequently  difficult  to  discriminate;  still  by  taking  the  older  baskets  of 
each  tribe  and  noting  the  exclusions,  one  gets  a  working  basis  upon  which 
to  build  and  also  to  weed  out. 

Following  the  distinct  types  of  each  tribe  further,  watching  also  the 
manner  in  which  the  two  differences,  light  and  dark,  and  line  activity  evolve, 
let  us  scrutinize  more  particularly,  first  examples  of  Papago  design  and  then 
of  Pima.  In  addition  to  Papago  plain  black  baskets,  which  are  mostly 
bowls,  and  are  still  found  in  the  outlying  districts,  are  black  bowls  \vith  the 
simplest  form  of  Papago  design,  broken  bands  arranged  in  parallel  hori 
zontals  (Fig.  59a).  These  parallel  series  of  horizontals  may  be  connected 
with  parallel  obliques  as  in  Fig.  59d,  a  design  which  shows  considerable 
variance  both  in  the  length  of  the  horizontals  and  in  the  length  and  width 
of  the  obliques,  but  in  almost  every  case,  as  here,  the  black  overbalances 
the  light.  A  third  arrangement  of  parallel  horizontals  and  a  vertical  group 
ing,  as  was  the  last,  is  connected  by  parallel  verticals,  whose  uniting  may 
form  the  more  usual  simple  rectangular  zigzag  of  Fig.  59b,  or  the  less  usual 
enclosed  rectangular  shape  of  Fig.  65c.  In  the  first  case  the  lines  of  the 
design  are  frequently  of  varying  widths  as  in  Fig.  59b,  in  the  second,  they 
are  more  usually  of  the  same  widths ;  but  in  almost  every  instance  the  design 
is  light  on  a  dark  ground.  A  fourth  vertical  grouping  of  parallel  horizontals 
is  united  into  separate  clusters  by  means  of  small  triangles  (Fig.  59e,  f). 
This  design  possibly  is  not  Papago  as  it  differs  in  many  ways  from  other 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  253 

designs  of  the  tribe,  but  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  it  is  Pima.  A  fifth  varia 
tion  in  this  grouping  of  parallel  horizontals  or,  in  reality  a  variation  of  the 
third  grouping  (Fig.  62b,  c),  with  rectangular  spottings  introduced  at  the 
union  of  the  perpendicular  elements,  suggesting  Pima  influence  (Fig.  66c), 
and  another  grouping  of  these  same  lines  and  rectangles  gives  the  pattern 
found  in  Fig.  66b.  One  of  the  most  interesting  Papago  designs  is  the 
vertical  fret  (Fig.  60a),  seen  here  in  its  simplest  form.  The  different  varia 
tions  of  this  motif  suggest  a  play  with  the  long  unbroken  serpentine  line 
as  it  doubles  and  quadruples  upon  itself  in  its  more  elaborate  varieties, 
although  it  never  crosses  itself  and  keeps  a  line  of  uniform  width  through 
out,  together  with  one  of  equal  spacing.  Here  the  design  is  fivefold,  elab 
orate  arrangements  are  more  usually  fourfold. 

Of  Pima  pattern  the  fret  is  probably  the  oldest  and  most  common  design. 
This  motif  used  alone,  is  indifferently  represented  in  the  Museum  collection, 
since  fewer  of  this  design  are  now  to  be  found,  but  the  student  who  wishes 
further  study  is  referred  to  the  26th  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology,  where  material  is  illustrated  which  was  collected  at  an  earlier 
date  when  more  typical  Pima  fret  designs  were  to  be  had.  The  fret  when 
unaccompanied  by  other  design  units  is  found  in  encircling  bands,  simple 
and  elaborate,  .and  in  spiral  arrangements.  It  also  finds  endless  employ 
ment  in  union  with  other  units  of  design,  the  rectangular  and  triangular 
whorl,  the  spiral  and  the  cross,  in  single,  double,  and  triple  bands.  These 
bands  may  be  uniform  in  width  (Fig.  60d),  or  uneven  (Fig.  63b),  spotted 
at  their  turning  with  rectangular  shapes  (Fig.  60c),  interrupted  at  points  of 
intersection  by  crosses  (Fig.  64d,  e),  and  decorated  with  the  terrace  (Fig. 
63a,  b,  c,  e,  f).  The  whorl,  one  of  their  most  used  patterns,  consists  of  four 
central  twirling  rectangular  arms  with  generally  a  repeating  whorl  of  four 
rectangles  at  the  rim  (Fig.  62d).  The  arms  vary  in  length  and  width,  and 
the  shape  seldom  holds  to  a  true  rectangle,  but  increases  in  width  toward 
the  rim  in  addition  to  the  variation  caused  by  the  swing  of  the  whorl  (Figs. 
62e,  b'3a).  In  the  intervening  space  between  the  whorls  is  a  fret  of  two  or 
three  bands  whose  lines  are  sometimes  uniform  in  width  (62d)  but  often 
of  wider  horizontals  and  lighter  obliques  (Fig.  63b).  The  obliques  are  quite 
frequently  composed  of  a  line  of  small  triangles,  forming  what  is  called  the 
"terrace"  design.  The  points  of  the  triangles  of  the  terrace  may  turn 
toward  the  swing  of  the  whorl,  or  away  from  it.  The  triangular  whorl, 
another  much-used  Pima  pattern,  consists  of  three,  four,  or  five  twirling 
triangular  arms  extending  from  the  base,  with  a  repeating  number  of 
triangular  forms  extending  from  the  rim  (Figs.  63f  and  65a,  b),  but  here 
the  forms  at  the  rim  may  hold  to  the  size  of  those  at  the  center  (Fig.  63f), 
or  be  much  enlarged  (Fig.  65a,  b).  These  rim  shapes  at  times  may  repre- 


254  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

sent  the  seed  pod  of  the  martynia  (Fig.  65a,  b)  when  the  design  unit  is  called 
"martynia."  The  proportions  and  the  contour  of  the  center  triangular 
whorls  vary  even  more  than  the  rectangular  whorls  while  the  intervening 
fret  takes  on  a  multitude  of  variations  from  the  very  simple  (Fig.  63f)  to 
the  very  elaborate  (Figs.  63e  and  65a,  b).  The  lines  composing  the  bands 
of  frets  may  vary  in  width  as  in  Fig.  63e,  or  be  more  uniform  as  in  Fig.  63f, 
while  their  obliques  may  be  plain  or  terraced  (Fig.  65a  and  63e,  f).  The 
spiral  design  of  the  Pima  may  be  constructed  of  a  number  of  simple  zigzags 
composed  of  two  elements,  a  long  horizontal  and  a  short  vertical  or  oblique 
(Fig.  60f),  which  here  is  on  a  Papago  bowl,  but  generally  the  spiral  is  deco 
rated  at  the  steps  of  the  zigzag  by  some  small  unit  of  design  (Fig.  60e), 
frequently  one  or  two  small  squares  (Fig.  65d,  e,  f).  The  spiral  is  also 
combined  with  the  scroll  (Fig.  64c).  Another  Pima  pattern  and  one  which 
is  generally  thought  to  be  recent  is  the  rosette  which  appears  in  several 
varieties,  two  of  which  are  seen  here,  a  more  floral  form  (Fig.  66e,  f )  and  one 
composed  of  rectangular  zigzags  and  black  rectangular  spottings  (Fig.  66a, 
b,  c).  One  of  the  very  oldest  patterns  of  this  tribe  suggests,  to  a  slight 
degree,  a  rosette,  but  more  carefully  described,  it  is  a  maltese  cross  and  hour 
glass  pattern  (Fig.  64f).  Another  very  old  basket  with  similar  pattern  is 
in  the  National  Museum.  The  design  is  so  different  from  others  of  the 
Pima  that  it  is  to  be  hoped  further  research  concerning  it  will  be  under 
taken. 

Summing  up  differences  in  the  pattern  of  the  tribes  we  find  that  Papago 
design  is  dignified  and  reserved,  while  the  Pima  is  full  of  action  and  grace; 
that  in  handling  the  Papago  is  simple,  strong,  direct  whereas  the  Pima  is 
elaborate,  delicate,  intricate;  that  in  appearance  the  Papago  design  shows  a 
feeling  for  large  masses  of  dark  and  light,  but  the  Pima  a  feeling  for  line 
expressed  in  a  network  of  pattern  with  small  spottings  in  black;  that  in 
technic  the  Papago  make  a  crude  irregular  line,  while  the  Pima  line  is  clear- 
cut  and  perfect  in  craftsmanship.  In  units  of  design  both  tribes  have  the 
encircling  fret  but  handled  in  two  entirely  distinct  manners,  the  Papago 
have  the  broken  horizontal  band  effects  and  the  vertical  fret  while  the  Pima 
have  the  rectangular  and  triangular  whorls,  the  spiral,  and  the  rosette. 
Thus  the  pattern  of  the  two  tribes  differs  in  movement,  treatment,  aspect, 
technical  skill,  and  design  motifs.  These  dissimilarities  in  design,  together 
with  those  of  material,  build,  proportion,  contour,  finish,  and  dark  and  light, 
obviously  give  distinct  Papago  and  Pima  coiled  basketry. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  255 


TABULATED  ANALYSIS  OF  DESIGNS. 

The  following  description  of  figures  illustrating  coiled  basketry,  is 
arranged  in  the  order  suggested  by  the  preceding  study  that  it  may  assist 
further  research  in  the  subject.  The  designs  grouped  under  Papago  bas 
kets  are  undoubtedly  Papago,  or  in  exceptional  cases  more  Papago  than 
Pima.  The  designs  grouped  under  Pima  baskets  are  likewise  either  un 
doubtedly  Pima,  or  more  Pima  than  Papago. 


PAPAGO  BASKETS. 

Fig.  59a.  A  design  of  wide  broken  bands  arranged  horizontally  on  a  black  ground. 
A  typical  Papago  design  on  a  rounding  bowl  of  substantial  water-tight  structure, 
said  to  be  one  hundred  years  old,  from  the  Santa  Rosa  region.  Entire  black  baskets 
frequently  take  this  shape. 

Fig.  59d.  A  second  vertical  grouping  of  parallel  horizontals  connected  by 
parallel  obliques  on  a  black  ground,  design  fourfold.  A  very  old  globular-shaped 
bowl  of  hard  water-tight  construction  from  the  Santa  Rosa  region. 

Fig.  59b.  A  third  vertical  grouping  of  parallel  horizontals  united  by  parallel 
verticals,  on  black  ground.  The  design  lines  in  this  old  pattern  are  typically  Papago 
in  their  unevenness  and  irregularity  moving  about  the  bowl  in  a  fourfold  rectangular 
zigzag.  A  very  old  water-tight,  board-like  structure  from  Brownell. 

Fig.  59c.  A  similar  design  to  the  last  but  three-fold,  newer  and  less  interesting. 
A  water-tight  tray  almost  too  perfect  in  workmanship  for  Papago,  but  its  design 
and  width  of  design  bands  place  it  here,  from  Santa  Rosa. 

Fig.  65c.  A  similar  design  to  Fig.  59b  except  in  the  movement  of  the  horizontals 
which  do  not  flow,  but  enclose  four  rectangular  shapes,  between  which  are  black 
areas  filled  with  "  coyote  tracks."  A  globular  shaped  bowl  from  Santa  Rosa. 

Fig.  59f.  A  fourth  grouping  of  parallel  horizontals  united  by  verticals  composed 
of  lines  of  small  triangles  in  heavy  black  lines  on  a  light  ground,  producing  a  six-fold 
rosette-like  pattern  on  this  well  made,  but  much  used  old  tray  from  San  Xavier. 

Fig.  59e.  A  design  similar  to  the  last  but  in  narrower  bands  of  pattern,  arranged 
in  a  fourfold  wheel-like  figure  on  this  old  water-tight,  hard  as  a  board,  deep  tray 
with  thong  saddle  attachment,  its  locality,  Covered  Wells. 

Fig.  62c.  A  design  of  the  third  grouping  of  parallel  horizontals  united  by  parallel 
verticals  similar  to  Fig.  59b,  but  the  added  rectangular  spottings  at  the  union  of  the 
parallels  show  Pima  influence,  although  in  shape  and  in  amount  of  dark  this  very 
large  handsome  old  bowl  from  Ankon  is  Papago. 

Fig.  62b.  A  different  arrangement  of  the  design  lines  of  the  last  plate,  which 
however  in  manner  of  enclosing  shapes  suggests  Fig.  62c,  although  the  rectangular 
spottings  show  Pima  influence,  as  does  also  the  workmanship  on  this  large  well-made, 
perfectly  shaped  bowl  from  Cohatk.  One  of  the  interesting  problems  for  later  re 
search  is  this  small  central  design  unit  "coyote  tracks"  and  the  rectangular  spottings 
at  the  union  of  the  design  lines,  which  may  be  Papago,  or  Pima. 


256  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 

Fig.  62a.  An  all  over  pattern  of  "coyote  tracks"  design  arranged  spirally  and 
sixfold,  which  in  manner  of  distribution  in  a  stepped  spiral,  and  in  technical  skill,  as 
well  as  in  the  small  black  center  suggest  Pima,  but  in  spacing,  amount  of  dark  and 
quality  of  handling  suggest  Papago,  on  this  newer  and  little  used  tray,  whose  design 
is  frequently  called  "  turtle." 

Fig.  60a.  Another  grouping  of  short  parallel  horizontals  so  united  by  shorter 
verticals  as  to  form  upright  frets,  in  this  case  fivefold.  A  most  interesting  old  pattern 
with  a  number  of  more  complicated  variations  effected  by  doubling  and  redoubling 
upon  itself  the  long  unbroken  line  of  this  simple  design.  This  very  old  tray  is  from 
San  Xavier.  When  more  elaborate  the  pattern  is  usually  fourfold  and  receives 
various  names,  "Juice  falling  from  the  Saguara  fruit,"  "Trail  of  deer  in  woods," 
and  "Tattoo  marks  on  woman's  face." 

Fig.  60b.  A  modification  of  the  last  design  in  a  fourfold  pattern  of  wider  frets 
with  rectangular  spottings  which  suggest  Pima  influence,  as  does  the  unusual  skill  in 
the  workmanship  on  this  newer  tray  from  Quijotoa. 

Fig.  64b.  A  splendid  example  of  Papago  treatment  of  the  encircling  fret  in  the 
simple  direct  handling  of  broad  irregular  design  lines  repeated  nine  times  in  the  single 
band  of  white  pattern  on  a  black  ground,  as  seen  in  this  old  dough  tray. 

Fig.  64a.  An  equally  typical  example  of  the  Papago  fret  in  two  banded  pattern 
with  broad  crudely  irregular  and  unaccented  design  lines,  fivefold  on  the  inner  band 
and  eightfold  on  the  outer,  in  black  on  a  light  ground. 

Fig.  61.  A  superlative  example  of  an  elaborate  Papago  fret  in  two  bands,  whose 
broad  uneven  black  design  lines  follow  a  complicated  fret  pattern,  fivefold  on  the 
inner  band  and  ninefold  on  the  outer.  A  fragment  five  generations  old,  illustrating 
the  degree  of  excellence  to  which  Papago  basketry  had  attained  in  design  and  work 
manship  through  this  old  water-tight  structure  with  its  remnants  of  a  thong  suspen 
sion  strap  attached  to  this  aged  bowl  from  Quijotoa. 

Fig.  60f.  A  pattern  of  seven  black  zigzags  arranged  spirally,  quite  possibly 
Pima  in  design  when  compared  to  e  of  this  plate,  a  small  hard,  water-tight  food  tray 
of  the  medicineman  of  Santa  Rosa,  who  eats  and  drinks  from  it  when  performing 
ceremonies  or  on  trips  for  the  sacred  salt. 

Fig.  63d,  A  Pima  design  with  Papago  handling  in  spacing  and  the  crude  irregu 
lar  design  lines,  which  form  a  fourfold  pattern,  on  a  deep  globular  bowl  from  Santa 
Rosa,  typically  Papago  in  shape  and  build. 

Fig.  66d.  A  borrowed  design  of  interlacing  ovals  on  a  globular  incurving 
rimmed  bowl  which  in  shape,  in  build,  and  in  the  attached  suspension  thong  is  Papago, 
on  a  basket  from  Covered  Wells. 

PIMA  BASKETS. 

Fig.  60c.  A  fret  design  in  two  separate  bands,  accented  at  the  turn  by  rectangu* 
lar  spottings,  the  wide  inner  band  sixfold,  the  narrower  outer  band  elevenfold,  on  a 
small  well-worn  tray  from  Cassa  Blanco. 

Fig.  60d.  A  fret  design  in  one  band  with  three  connecting  frets  joined  by  a 
series  of  short  verticals,  on  a  small  tray  whose  workmanship  appears  more  like  that 
of  the  Papago. 

Fig.  64e.  A  fret,  terrace  and  cross  design  in  one  band,  with  two  interlacing  frets, 
whose  obliques  are  terraced,  and  whose  points  of  intersection  are  combined  with  two 
small  rectangular  shapes  to  form  a  cross. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  257 

Fig.  64d.  A  fret,  cross,  and  triangular  whorl  design  in  fourfold  pattern  with 
the  three  band  fret  interrupted  by  a  double  cross. 

Fig.  62d.  A  simple  rectangular  whorl  design  in  fourfold  pattern,  between 
whose  four  center  arms  and  those  of  the  rim  run  two  intervening  outlines  forming  a 
simple  fret.  One  of  the  commonest  Pima  designs  on  this  old  well-worn  tray  from 
Cassa  Blanco. 

Fig.  62e.  A  more  elaborate  rectangular  whorl  design  with  four  short  central 
arms  only,  outlining  which  are  four  bands  of  simple  fret,  on  a  small  shallow  tray 
purchased  at  Santa  Rosa. 

Fig.  62f.  A  more  elaborate  rectangular  whorl  and  "terrace"  design,  with  four 
prominent  center  arms,  repeated  by  four  at  the  rim,  between  which  run  three  bands 
of  simple  fret,  whose  oblique  lines  are  edged  on  the  inner  side  with  small  triangles, 
whose  points  turn  with  the  swing  of  the  whorl,  the  design  termed  "terrace."  An  old 
well-worn  deep  tray  from  Blackwater. 

Fig.  63a.  Another  rectangular  whorl  and  "terrace"  design  with  the  four  long 
arms  at  the  center  and  those  at  the  rim  joined  to  the  two  outlining  frets,  whose 
oblique  lines  are  composed  of  small  triangles  turning  in  opposite  directions  back  to 
back,  an  unusual  arrangement.  A  large  perfectly  shaped  and  well  constructed  bowl. 

Fig.  63b.  A  slender  rectangular  whorl  and  "terrace"  design,  with  four  plain- 
edged  center  arms  and  four  repeating  rim  arms  edged  on  one  side  with  triangles, 
while  the  two  slender  outlining  bands  of  fret,  thicker  on  the  horizontals  than  on  the 
obliques,  are  edged  on  the  obliques  by  the  terrace  design,  the  points  of  whose  tri 
angles  turn  away  from  the  swing  of  whorl.  A  fine  large  old  shallow  tray,  yellow  with 
«<age,  from  Sacaton  Falls. 

Fig.  63c.  A  heavier  rectangular  whorl  and  "terrace"  design  with  the  four 
center  and  rim  arms  joined  to  the  two  outlining  frets  whose  obliques  are  small  triangles 
with  points  turned  away  from  the  swing  of  the  whorl.  A  large  low  tray,  in  good  state 
of  preservation,  from  Blackwater. 

Fig.  63f.  A  triangular  whorl  and  terrace  design,  here  the  triangular  form  re 
places  the  rectangular,  to  whose  four  arms  at  center  and  rim  are  attached  the  hori 
zontal  bands  of  an  elementary  fret,  with  obliques  composed  of  small  triangles  turned 
away  from  the  swing  of  the  whorl. 

Fig.  63e.  A  complicated  triangular  whorl  and  terrace  design,  the  ends  of  whose 
five  center  arms  connect  by  means  of  an  elaborate  fret  with  five  terraced  figures 
extending  from  the  rim,  no  doubt  taking  the  place  of  the  rim  whorl,  for  from  it  extend 
the  broad  horizontals  and  delicate  oblique  lines  of  the  fret,  one  of  which  is  terraced. 
A  large  new  well-made  bowl. 

Fig.  65a.  A  triangular  whorl,  fret,  "terrace",  and  "coyote  tracks"  design  of  five 
simple  arms  at  center  and  five  at  rim  decorated  with  "coyote  tracks,"  while  two 
elaborate  intervening  frets,  with  oblique  lines  edged  with  triangles  are  so  arranged 
as  to  form  a  figure  of  the  martynia  pod,  giving  the  design  the  name  "martynia." 
A  valuable  old  tray,  fine  in  workmanship,  and  one  which  has  seen  much  service  from 
Blackwater. 

Fig.  65b.  A  similar  design  of  the  "  martynia  "  but  on  a  newer  and  coarser  basket, 
which  in  technic  suggests  Papago  work. 

Fig.  64f.  A  maltese  cross  and  hourglass  pattern  with  four  hourglass-shaped  arms 
projecting  from  the  center  with  four  similar  shapes  indirectly  suspended  from  rim, 
the  two  intervening  zigzags  follow  the  lines  of  the  eight  hourglass  forms  but  with 
four  breaks  at  the  rim  allowing  four  open  paths  half  way  down  the  wall.  An  excep 
tionally  finely  built  very  old  bowl  from  Sacaton  Flats. 


258  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII. 

Fig.  60e.  A  zigzag  pattern  in  four  spirals  grouped  with  a  small  quadrilateral 
figure,  composed  of  two  vertical  lines  and  a  triangle,  at  each  step  of  the  spiral.  A 
small  tray  from  Blackwater. 

Fig.  64c.  A  combined  spiral  and  fret  design  which  is  eight-fold,  each  spiral 
supporting  two  frets  in  heavy  horizontals  and  light  obliques,  with  small  triangular 
spottings. 

Fig.  65d.  A  spiral  pattern  of  double  rectangles  with  connecting  horizontals,  in 
five  stepped  zigzags  composed  of  two  spirals  each,  interrupted  by  a  group  of  two- 
rectangles  touching  at  diagonal  corners.  A  deep  old  bowl  yellow  with  age,  much 
used  but  well  preserved. 

Fig.  65e.  A  pattern  similar  to  the  last,  except  in  six  stepped  zigzags  of  three- 
spirals  each,  interrupted  by  a  group  of  two  rectangles  arranged  in  the  letter  Z,  and 
placed  more  diagonally  than  the  last,  giving  greater  motion  to  design.  A  shallow 
old  bowl  in  excellent  condition. 

Fig.  65f.  A  pattern  similar  to  the  last  except  in  four  stepped  zigzags  of  four- 
spirals  each,  arranged  less  diagonally.  A  newer  tray  shape.  The  last  three  designs 
are  frequently  termed  "whirlwind." 

Fig.  66a.  One  of  a  series  of  designs  built  on  similar  lines  to  the  next  two,  and. 
also  upon  those  on  the  Papago  bowl,  Fig.  62c,  here  the  shape  of  tray  changes  the- 
vertical  lines  of  bowl  design  to  obliques  and  the  interrupting  squares  nearest  rim  to- 
wide  oblongs.  Large  black  center  with  four  radiating  arms,  repeated  at  rim,  and 
four  encircling  rectangular  zigzags  with  verticals  about  three  fourths  the  height  of 
wall  pattern,  on  this  well-preserved  old  tray,  yellow  with  age  from  Cassa  Blanco,, 
whose  design  is  frequently  called  ''squash  blossom." 

Fig.  66b.  A  similar  design  to  the  last  but  sixfold,  the  three  encircling  rectangu 
lar  zigzags  with  verticals  three-fourths  the  height  of  wall  pattern,  on  this  newer  tray.. 

Fig.  66c.  A  similar  design  to  the  last  two  but  sixfold,  the  five  encircling  rectang 
ular  zigzags,  with  short  verticals  one  third  the  height  of  wall  pattern,  and  interrupting; 
squares  which  suggest  the  spiral  bowl  patterns  on  Fig.  65.  Probably  Papago  make. 

Fig.  66e.  A  design  with  six  central  radiating  triangular  shapes,  re-echoed  by 
twelve  at  rim,  between  five  uniform  outlining  bands  producing  a  flower-like  appear 
ance.  A  shallow,  little-used  bowl  procured  at  Santa  Rosa. 

Fig.  66f.  A  design  similar  to  the  last,  but  fourfold,  writh  a  similar  center  and 
six  outlining  bands  with  heavy  horizontals  and  lighter  obliques  producing  a  more 
elaborate  rosette-like  appearance.  A  shallow  bowl,  quite  new,  from  Blackwater. 


REFLECTION  OF  PERSONAL  TRAITS. 

The  differences  between  Papago  and  Pima  coiled  basketry  appear  to 
tally  with  the  traits  of  each  tribe  in  a  very  singular  manner.  Significant 
as  seemed  the  dependence  of  the  basket  technic  upon  the  unusual  vegeta 
tion  of  the  region  which  has  so  curiously  brought  itself,  through  adaptation, 
into  harmony  with  the  arid  environment;  and  the  ingenuity  of  the  Indian 
in  the  economic  use  of  the  scant  resources  at  hand  (see  p.  139);  of  even 
greater  interest  and  importance  is  the  seeming  reflection  of  physiological  and 
psychological  traits  in  their  coiled  ware.  Thus  suggesting  that  although 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  259 

man's  dependence  upon  natural  resources  is  great,  he  can  to  a  degree  free 
himself  from  external  relations,  and  so  direct  his  activities  as  to  express  him 
self  in  his  handiwork  by  adroit  adaptation,  and  thus  give  it  an  impress  of 
personality,  in  this  case  reflecting  the  traits  of  his  tribe. 

The  Papago  of  the  solitary  foothills  are  a  quiet,  secretive,  silent  people. 
No  visitor  approaching  their  village  hears  laughter  or  loud  talking,  for  the 
quiet  of  the  solitude  which  has  settled  around  their  desert  home  has  left 
its. imprint  upon  the  silent  people.  In  this  forbidding  habitat,  where  condi 
tions  are  so  severe,  one  is  not  surprised  to  find  a  sedate,  brave,  persevering 
people,  for  the  loneliness  and  severity  of  life  in  these  scattered  villages  has 
called  for  courage,  self-reliance,  and  fortitude  to  battle  with  adverse  condi 
tions. 

In  contrast  to  the  characteristics  of  the  Papago  we  find  the  Pima 
with  quite  a  different  personality,  due  in  some  degree,  at  least,  to  their 
less  austere  home  surroundings  along  the  few  streams,  and  in  environs 
which  do  not  call  forth  the  same  strength  and  fortitude  as  demanded  by 
Papagueria.  So  instead  of  the  quiet,  stable,  character  of  the  Papago,  we 
find  the  Pima  with  a  buoyant,  joyous,  social  nature,  and  one  which  is  most 
temperamental.  The  Pima  are  better  known  than  the  Papago,  to  the 
trader,  the  collector,  the  merchantman,  and  this  has  changed  them  greatly; 
still  certain  traits  can  never  be  altered  or  obliterated.  In  matters  of  neat 
ness  and  cleanliness  the  Pima  are  far  from  thrifty  as  shown  in  the  arrange 
ment  of  hair  and  dress  which  indicate  decidedly  that  they  belong  to  an  easy 
going  tribe.  However,  an  artistic  temperament  seldom  gives  much  thought 
to  personal  appearance,  but  if  the  negative  side  of  this  temperament  is  shown 
in  Pima  dress,  its  positive  side  finds  vital  expression  in  the  expert  crafts 
manship  and  beauty  of  their  handiwork. 

Phenomenal  as  it  appears,  the  steady,  reserved,  seldom-smiling  Papago 
woman  constructs  the  substantial,  broad,  flat-based,  and  at  times  crude 
form  with  thick,  firm  wall;  while  the  light-hearted,  temperamental,  talka 
tive  Pima,  living  a  social  life  makes  the  delicate,  slender,  lighter  form  with 
up-springing  out-curving  wall,  of  more  artistic  build  and  finish.  But  before 
discussing  to  what  degree  personal  traits  are  responsible  for  these  qualities, 
one  must  take  cognizance  of  the  fact  that  influence  of  personality  is  not  the 
only  controlling  force  to  be  accounted  for.  There  are  other  agencies  at 
work  which  have  a  decided  effect  upon  this  ware.  Environment  is  one  of 
the  strongest  of  the  forces,  governing  through  supply,  and  lack  of  supply, 
the  amount  of  dark  and  light  on  the  baskets,  as  well  as  the  degree  of  rigidity 
and  pliability  of  build.  Environment  influences  another  quality,  which 
came  in  response  to  certain  needs  demanded  by  the  habitat;  giving  to  one 
tribe  a  water-tight  technic  and  excluding  it  from  the  other,  and  quite  proba- 


200  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVIIr 

bly  providing  a  water-holding  shape  to  the  one,  and  not  granting  it  to  the 
other.  Function  determines  to  a  large  degree  items  of  shape  and  build, 
especially  in  bowls  (see  p.  191),  as  the  broad  flat  base  and  globular  form  with 
incurving  brim  of  the  Papago  bowl  (Fig.  59a,  d)  is  steadier  and  holds  liquid 
better,  a  function  not  necessary  to  the  small  based,  out-spreading  walled 
bowl  of  the  Pima  (Figs.  63a  and  65d);  while  the  substantial  build  of  the 
Papago  has  come  no  doubt  in  response  to  a  need  not  found  in  the  land  of  the 
Pima.  So  Papago  baskets  have  an  excess  of  dark,  a  greater  rigidity,  and 
frequently  water-tight  technic  as  well  as  a  form  suitable  for  liquids;  while 
the  Pima  baskets  have  an  excess  of  light,  greater  pliability,  and  not  the 
technic  and  form  fitted  for  the  holding  of  liquids,  because  of  the  influence  of 
environment. 

Hence  function  and  materials  are  strong  competitors  to  the  modifying 
agency  of  personality.  Nevertheless,  although  much  is  due  to  these  (see 
pp.  139  and  191),  there  are  qualities  of  shape  and  build  which  cannot  be 
attributed  to  these  causes.  The  heavy,  substantial,  crude  qualities  of 
Papago  baskets  (Fig.  59)  and  the  grace  and  beauty  of  those  of  the  Pima 
(Figs.  63a  and  65d),  in  all  probability  owe  much  to  a  divergence  in  the  per 
sonal  caliber  of  the  tribes;  to  a  stronger  feeling  for  the  fundamental  things 
of  life  by  the  Papago,  whose  simplicity  and  strength  emphasize  qualities 
of  utility  in  preference  to  beauty  in  outline  or  nicety  of  technical  finish; 
and  to  a  sensibility  for  the  aesthetic  by  the  Pima,  whose  artistic  nature  gives 
greater  heed  to  subtleties  of  contour  and  perfection  in  craftsmanship.  The 
quality  of  durability,  that  is  the  length  of  a  basket's  usefulness  —  its  life  — 
depends  much  upon  material;  nevertheless,  a  different  handling  of  the 
binding  element  by  the  two  tribes,  a  firm,  tight  drawing  of  the  binder  by  the 
thrifty,  painstaking  Papago,  and  a  slighter  drawing  of  the  same  by  the  less 
strenuous  Pima,  attests  no  doubt  to  the  effect  of  tribe  modification.  Many 
of  the  dominant  differences  in  the  coiled  ware  must  be  a  personal  expression 
of  the  temper  and  individuality  of  each  tribe,  since  it  is  easily  seen  that  it  is 
the  self-reliant,  never-disturbed  Papago  woman,  living  within  herself,  who 
constructs  not  the  delicate,  light  form,  but  the  substantial  broad,  globular, 
and  at  times  crude  one,  with  firm,  thick  wall,  while  it  is  the  buoyant,  joyous 
Pima  living  an  out-flowing  life,  who  makes  not  the  stout,  solid  structure, 
but  the  thin,  less  heavy  form  with  up-springing,  out-curving  wall,  of  more 
artistic  build  and  finish. 

But  it  is  in  design  where  native  powers  dominate,  although  even  here  the 
environment  is  felt  in  the  proportion  of  dark  and  light,  a  strong  factor  in 
design.  Still  to  no  influence  of  material  or  function  can  be  traced  the  domi 
nance  of  the  horizontal  line  on  the  reposeful,  stable,  dignified  Papago's 
basketry,  or  the  dominance  of  the  active  line  on  the  lively,  buoyant,  joyous 


1916.]  Kissett,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  261 

Pima's  basketry;  nor  can  a  vestige  of  their  control  be  seen  in  the  heavy 
massing  of  large  areas  of  dark  and  light,  or  in  the  simplicity  and  directness 
of  Papago  design ;  nor  in  the  network  of  sparkling  line,  or  the  elaborateness 
of  Pima  design.  For  an  explanation  of  these  one  must  look  elsewhere  than 
to  outside  causes.  Contrasting  natural  traits  of  these  tribes  are  reflected 
in  their  coiled  basketry. 


262  Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.   [Vol.  XVII, 


KEY  TO  BASKETRY  TECHNIC. 

This  key  to  basketry  technic  is  given  that  the  methods  of  basketry  con 
struction  and  terminology  given  in  the  preceding  sections  of  the  paper, 
may  be  better  understood.  The  necessity  for  uniformity  in  classification 
and  terminology  is  appreciated,  that  confusion  be  avoided  and  the  reader 
be  enabled  more  easily  to  follow. 

The  classification  recognizes  three  kinds  of  basketry,  plaited,  woven,  and 
coiled  ware,  the  division  being  based  upon  their  construction  or  building 
process,  as  the  elements  plait,  weave,  and  coil.  The  fundamental  process 
of  the  three  distinct  technics  is  easily  discerned  upon  slight  examination. 

Plaiting  constructs  a  mat-like  surface  by  means  of  active  elements  only, 
which  move  over  and  under  each  other  in  regular  order.  No  passive  foun 
dation  elements  are  incorporated,  neither  are  new  elements  added  after 
the  completion  of  the  base,  as  those  already  furnished  continue  to  plait  the 
body  of  the  basket. 

Weaving  is  known  by  its  upright  warps  extending  from  base  to  upper 
edge,  as  the  surface  is  constructed  on  these  passive  warps,  crossed  by  an 
active  binding  element,  or  weft.  Two  types  of  weaving,  checked  and  twilled 
wicker,  are  less  easily  recognized  because  of  the  equal  size  of  the  warp  and 
weft,  but  even  here  the  distinct  weft  element  added  at  the  base  may  be 
traced  encircling  the  basket. 

Coiling  can  easily  be  distinguished  by  the  spiral  movement  of  its  ele 
ments.  This  consists  either  of  an  active  element,  or  of  a  passive  element 
bound  down  by  an  accompanying  active  element. 

The  key  approaches  Mason's  classification  nearest  at  types  of  weaving, 
although  here  there  are  differences.  Mason  entirely  excludes  plaiting  as  a 
basketry  process,  while  his  types  of  coiled  ware  are  based  upon  the  compo 
nents  of  the  internal  element,  the  foundation.  The  composition  of  the 
inner  element  is  the  last  consideration,  and  a  later  division  than  is  shown 
here. 


1916.]  Kissell,  Papago  and  Pima  Basketry.  263 


BASKETRY  TECHNIC. 

I.     Plaiting  of  Crossed  Active  Elements. 

A.  Parallel  elements  in  two  directions. 

1.  Over  and  under  one Checked  Plaiting 

2.  Over  and  under  more  than  one Twilled  Plaiting 

B.  Parallel  elements  in  more  than  two  direc 
tions Lattice  Plaiting 

II.     Weaving  of  Active  (weft)  across  Passive  (warp)  Elements. 

A.  Parallel  warps  in  one  direction. 

1.  Weft  interlaced Wicker  Weave 

a.  Warps  coarser  than  weft Wicker  Weave 

b.  Warps  of  same  size  as  weft 

a'.     Over  and  under  one Checked  Wicker  Weave 

b'.     Over  and  under  more  than  one .  .  .  Twilled  Wicker  Weave 

2.  Weft  twined. 

a.  Weft  of  two  strands. 

a'     Over  one  warp Twine  Weave 

b'.     Over  two  warps Twilled  Twine  Weave 

b.  Weft  of  three  strands. 

a'.     Plain  weft Three-ply  Twine  Weave 

b'.     Braided  weft Braid  Three-ply  Twine  Weave 

3.  Weft  wrapped Wrapped  Weave 

B.  Parallel  warps  in  more  than  one  direction. 

1.  Weft  interlaced Lattice  Wicker  Weave 

2.  Weft  twined. 

a.  Warps  oblique Oblique  Lattice  Twine  Weave 

b.  Warps  vertical  and  horizontal Vertical  Lattice  Twine  Weave 

3.  Weft  wrapped Lattice  Wrapped  Weave 

III.     Coiling  of  Active  Element  or  of  Active  along  Passive  Element. 

A.  Active  element  only. 

1.  Binder  (weft)  spiral Lace  Coil 

2.  Binder  twisting Twisted  Lace  Coil 

3.  Binder  interlacing Interlaced  Lace  Coil 

4.  Binder  knotting Knotted  Lace  Coil 

B.  Joint  active  and  passive  element. 

1.     Binding  spirally Crude  Coil 

C.  Active  and  passive  elements. 

1.  Binder  (weft)  spiral Foundation  Coil 

2.  Binder  twisting Twisted  Foundation  Coil 

3.  Binder  interlacing Interlaced  Foundation  Coil 

4.  Binder  looping Looped  Foundation  Coil 


264 


Anthropological  Papers  American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  [Vol.  XVII, 


PAPAGO  TERMINOLOGY. 


Agave,  aholta 
Agave  leaf,  aholt 
Arrowbush,  schamtum 
Awl,  auvich  (owl) 
Basket,  whoha 
Beans,  mone 
Beargrass,  mau 
Blueing,  schatuch 
Bottle,  vaco 
Brush,  washi 

schoch 

gorwecot 
Cat's  claw,  opot 
Cotton,  thawke 
Cottonwood,  oupa 
Cradle,  vol  cut 
Eagle  feathers,  ba  och  aoth 
Feather,  aoth 
Greasewood,  schi  quoy 
Gum  on  greasewood,  o  shop  a  gum 
Hanging  shelf,  kochta 
Headrings,  ha  co 
Horsehair,  cauveumoch 
House,  bitke  (adobe) 

w^ashake  (grass) 

muchake  (ocatillo) 
Knife,  vinum 
Maguey  fiber,  schoch 
Man,  awtum  (awl) 
Martynia,  ahoch 
Mat,  mine 


Mat  making,  miuetha 

Medicine  basket,  washa 

Mesquite,  que 

Mesquite  bark,  quiolituc 

Metate,  machate 

Needle,  hoy  abut 

Ocatilla,  mu  och 

Olla,  haha 

Owl  feather,  chocut  aoth 

Palmea,  omuch 

Peppers,  coo  colt 

Pinole,  chue;    supi  chue 

Red  dust,  witch 

Resting  stick  for  kiaha,  schalake 

Rope  twister,  thadawin 

Saddle  bags,  hocho 

Saguaro,  has  che 

Smaller  grinding  stone,  velecot 

Sotol,  (Yucca  data),  tach  ou  we 

Spanish  bayonet,  hovich 

Storage  bin,  vaschum 

String,  hy 

vechina  (made  of  hay) 
Turtle,  comkchit 
Turtle  shell,  comkchit  ulituc 
Willow,  chirole 
Willow  bark,  chrotolituc 
Wheat,  pelca 

Wheat  straw,  pelecan  wavok 
Wood,  co  och 
Woman,  of  a 


\ 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


C03MT104SD 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

ENVIRONMENTAL  MBIGN  LIBRARY 
This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 
R,n        ,°£th.ed«««>  which  renewed.  ' 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


o 


9  /967 


OCT231968 


1 7  '86  -12 


ENVI  DE$ 


LD  21-40m-5  '65 
(F4308slO)476 


General  Library 
University  of  California 


